Treaty, between Great Britain and France signed at Susa and London,
April 14/24, 1629.
Ratification by the King of France, July 4, 1629.
[Ratification, by the King of Great Britain, June 11, 1629.]
The failure of Charles I. of England to fulfill the conditions of the contract of marriage between him and the sister of Louis XIII. of France, resulted in friction between the two courts. Further irritation was caused by the refusal of France to enter the league signed at the Hague against the House of Austria;1 and, in 1626, by her conclusion of a treaty with Spain.2 The growing ill-will was heightened by commercial disputes3 arising from En gland's seizure, following provisions of the treaty of Southampton,4 of French ships and merchandise employed in the Spanish trade; by retaliatory arrests of English ships and goods on the part of France; by England's interference in behalf of the Huguenots of Rochelle, and by her jealousy of Richelieu's endeavors to strengthen French sea-power.
On March 20, 1627, France and Spain concluded an alliance which provided for an attack upon England by their combined fleets.5 Nine days later, Buck ingham was empowered to grant letters of reprisal against the French; a month later to grant letters of marque as well.6 In June, an English fleet sailed to relieve Rochelle.
The war thus begun offered England an opportunity to drive the French from Canada and Acadia and occupy them herself. For this purpose, in 1628, David Kirke and his brothers, having obtained letters of marque and a royal commission, captured and destroyed French vessels in the gulf and
1 Cf. Doc. 33, note 29. Gardiner, History of England, 1603-1642 VI. 37-44.
2 Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V., pt. II., pp. 487 ff. On this treaty of Monzon, see E. Rott, Histoire de la Représentation Diplomatique de la France auprès des Cantons Suisses ( 1900, etc.), tom IV., pt. I., pp. 47 ff.
3 These were the principal causes according to a manuscript entitled "The causes of the war with France" ( P. R. O., Treaty Papers, France, no. 10).
4 Doc. 33, arts. 20-22.
5 Mémoires du Cardinal de Richelieu, in Michaud and Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, 2e sér., tom. VII., p. 446; Mémoires de Messire François Duval, Marquis de Fontenay-Mareuil, same collection, 2e sér., tom. V., p. 185.
6 Rymer, Foedera, XVIII. 861, 887. Cf. also ibid., p. 1052. According to R. G. Mars den, the distinction between letters of marque and letters of reprisal seems not recog nized until after the peace with Spain in 1630. Law and Custom of the Sea, I. ( Navy Records Society, 1915), pp. xxvi, xxvii. See also pp. 406, 407 for notes on the letters of marque and reprisal issued during this war.
river of St. Lawrence, including the first fleet sent out by the Company of New France with supplies for Quebec; took the forts of Port Royal, St. John, and Pentagoet (Penobscot);7 devastated the settlements at Miscou and Cape Tourmente; but demanded in vain the surrender of Quebec. During the same summer, Sir William Alexander, patentee of Nova Scotia, planted a colony at Port Royal8 and in the following winter he joined the Kirkes in forming the Scottish and English Company, which was given a monopoly of trade in the gulf and river of St. Lawrence, with power to seize French vessels and goods and "displant" the French in that region. In the spring of 1629 the company sent out two fleets, one of which carried Lord Ochiltree and his colony to Cape Breton, while the other, under command of David Kirke, proceeded up the St. Lawrence. A detachment of the latter fleet having appeared before Quebec on July 19, Champlain surrendered that place to the English on the following day,9 being unaware that three months pre viously peace had been concluded between England and France.
Peace had been brought about by the mediation of the enemies of Spain-- Venice, the United Provinces, and Denmark--as well as by the complete failure of the English to relieve Rochelle, which made the continuance of hostilities useless. The negotiations, mainly conducted through Contarini and Zorzi, ambassadors of Venice at the respective courts of England and France, dealt chiefly with the Huguenots, Queen Henrietta Maria's household, and the restitution of a French vessel taken by the English in the neutral waters of the Texel.10 Negotiations resulted negatively in the postponement both of the settlement of the commercial questions, and of the formation of an anti- Hapsburg league, desired by Richelieu; and in the virtual abandonment of the Huguenots by Charles. The treaty provided that the Anglo-French marriage articles should be confirmed; that the question of the queen's household should be left for later adjustment; that prizes made before the peace should be retained, but, if made later, restored; and that there should be an exchange of ambassadors.
On April 14/24, 1629, both kings signed the treaty, which is named from the place where Louis signed it, Susa, a principal fortress of Savoy, which had been recently taken by France in the course of the Mantuan war, and was held as a pledge for the performance of a treaty, lately concluded there between France and Savoy.11
10 Dorchester to Wake, Jan. 12/22, 1628/9, P. R. O., Treaty Papers, Savoy, no. 15.
11 E. Lavisse, Histoire de France ( 1900- 1910), tom. VI., pt. II., pp. 270-271; cf. Doc. 35, introduction.
7 Report on Canadian Archives, 1894 (ed. Brymner), p. ix. Champlain refers to the loss of Pentagoet, C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain ( 1870), VI. 295.
8 C. Rogers, Memorials of the Earls of Stirling ( 1877), I. 103, 104.
9 H. P. Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New France ( 1901), pp. 143-145; H. Kirke, The First English Conquest of Canada ( 2d ed., 1908). For the terms of capitu lation, see Laverdière, op. cit., VI. 240-243, or E. Hazard, Historical Collections ( 1792- 1794), I. 285-287, or Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, pp. 98, 99.
Text: MS. The original manuscript of the protocol is in the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Correspondance Politique, Angleterre, vol. 43, ff. 247 ff.; the original manuscript of the articles signed by Charles I. on April 14/24, is in the same volume, ff. 49 ff.
The original manuscript of the final ratification by Louis XIII., July 4, 1629, is in the Public Record Office, Treaties, no. 53. The final ratifica tion, signed by Charles at Westminster, June 11, 1629, is in the bureau of the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Text: Printed. T. Rymer Foedera ( 1704- 1735), XIX. 87-88; F. Leonard, Recueil des Traitez de Paix ( 1693), V. 35-37; J. Dumont, Corps Diplo matique ( 1726- 1731), tom. V., Pt. II., pp. 580-582; Mercure François, XV. ( 1631) 147-149.
Translation: A General Collection of Treatys ( 1732), II. 266-267.
References: Contemporary and early writings. Mémoires du Cardinal de
Richelieu, in Michaud and Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires
pour Servir à l'Histoire de France ( 1836- 1839), 2e sér., tom. VIII.,
pp. 10-12; Lettres, Instructions Diplomatiques, et Papiers d' État du
Cardinal de Richelieu ( 1853-1877), III. 27, 225-230 (ed. Vicomte d'Avenel
for the Collection de Documents Inédits sur l'Histoire de
France); L. von Ranke, A History of England, principally in the Seven
teenth Century ( 1875), V. 438-444; The Court and Times of Charles the
First ( 1848), I. 391-394, II. 5, 6, 7, 11, 13, 14, etc.; Calendar of State
Papers, Domestic, 1628- 1629, pp. 345, 351, 352, 356. etc.; Calendar of
State Papers, Venice, 1626- 1628, vol. XX., 1628- 1629, vol. XXI., passim.
References to materials for the history of this treaty in so far as it relates to America are included in the bibliography of Doc. 36.
References: Later writings. S. R. Gardiner, History of England, 1603-1642,
( 1894-1896), vol. VI., cc. 56, 59, and pp. 345-347, 365-376, VII. 97-101;
L. von Ranke, op. cit., II. 3-7, V. 436-438.
For the events connected with New France, see Doc. 36, References.
Louis par la grace de Dieu Roy de France et de Navarre, A tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront, salut. Les differendz qui estoient survenuz entre nous et nostre trescher et tresamé bon frere, beaufrere, cousin, et ancien allié, le Roy de la Grande Bretague, et nos royaumes et subjectz, ayans esté composez et terminez par ce traicté de paix conclud et aresté dés le vingtquatriesme du mois d'Avril dernier, et ayans pourveu par iceluy à tous ce qui estoit necessaire pour le restablissement de l'ancienne amitié qui estoit entre nos couronnes, et du commerce et trafic public de nosdits subjectz, en quoy nous avons grande occasion de nous loüer de l'entremise de nos amis communs et bons alliez, et particulierement de la Serenissime Republicque de Venize, que à contribué par ses ambassadeurs tout ce qui se pouvoit attendre d'elle en ung si bon et loüable dessein, nous ne voulons rien obmettre de ce qui est à faire de nostre part pour tesmoigner à nostredit bon frere et beaufrere
12 The text is from the original manuscript of the ratification by the King of France, preserved in the P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, Treaties, no. 53.
la ferme resolution que nous avons de faire accomplir entierement touttes les choses promises et accordées par ledit traicté. A ces causes nous avons aggrée, confirmé, et ratifié, aggréons, confirmons et ratifions par ces presentes signées de nostre main ces articles dudit traicté ainsy quilz sont y dessoubz transcritz.
Articles de paix entre les deux Couronnes. 1.13Premierement. Les deux Roys demeureront d'accord de renouveler les anciennes alliances entre les deux couronnes, et les garder inviolablement avec ouverture du commerce seur et libre. Et pour le regard dudit commerce, s'il y â quelque chose à adjouster ou diminuer se fera de part et d'autre de gré à gré ainsy qu'il sera jugé à propos.
2. Et d'autant qu'il seroit difficille de faire les restitutions de part et d'autre des diverses prises qui ont esté faictes durant la guerre, les deux couronnes sont demeurées d'accord qu'il ne s'en fera aucune et ne s'accordera aucune reprezaille par mer ou autre façon quelconque pour ce qui s'est passé entre les deux roys et leurs subjects durant cette derniere guerre. 3. Quant à ce qui regarde les articles et contractz de mariage de la Royne de la Grande Bretagne, ilz seront confirmez de bonne foy, et sur ce qui con cerne la maison de la Royne, s'il y â quelque chose à adjouster ou diminuer se fera de part et d'autre de gré à gré ainsy qu'il sera jugé plus à propos pour le service de ladite Royne.
4. Touttes les anciennes alliances tant de l'une que de l'autre couronne demeureront en leur vigueur sans que pour ce present traicté il y ayt aucune alteration.
5. Les deux roys par ce present traicté estans reunis en l'affection et intelli gence en laquelle ilz estoient auparavant, s'employeront respectivement à donner assistance a leurs alliez et amis selon que la constitution des affaires et l'advantage du bien14 public le requirront et le pourront permettre. Le tout a dessein de procurer ung entier repos à la Chrestienté pour le bien de laquelle les ambassadeurs des deux couronnes seront chargez de propositions et d'ouvertures.
6. Touttes cesdites15 choses estans restablies et acceptées de costé et d'autre, ambassadeurs extraordinaires, personnes de qualité, seront envoyéz recipro quement avec ratification de ce present accord, lesquelz porteront aussy la dénomination des ambassadeurs ordinaires pour resider à l'un et à l'autre cour, affin de rafirmir cette bonne union, et empescher touttes les occasions qui la pourront troubler.
7. Et d'autant qu'il y â beaucoup de vaisseaux encores en mer avec lettres de marque et pouvoir de combattre les ennemis, qui ne pourront16 pas si tost entendre cette paix ny recevoir ordre de s'abstenir17 de toute hostilité, il sera accordé par cét article que tout ce qui se passera l'espace de deux mois prochains apres cét accord fait, ne désrogera, ny empeschera cettedite paix,
13 The articles are numbered in the English ratification, but not in that signed by the King of France.
14 The word bien is not in the English ratification.
15 Lesquelles takes the place of cesdites in the English ratification.
16 Pourroyent in the English ratification.
17 Abstenir in the English ratification.
ny la bonne volonté de ces deux couronnes, a la charge touttes fois que18 ce qui sera pris dans l'espace de deux mois depuis la signature du traicté sera restitué de part et d'autre.19
Faict et aresté à Suze le vingtneufiesme Avril mil six cens vingtneuf. Promettans en foy et parolle de Roy tant pour nous que pour nos heritiers et successeurs roys de garder et entretenir de poinct en poinct le contenu ausdits articles, sans y contrevenir ny souffrir qu'il y soit contrevenu en aucune sorte et maniere que ce soit; car tel est nostre plaisir. En tesmoing de quoy nous avons faict mettre nostre seel à cesdits presentes.
Donné au camp de Bezouches le quatriesme jour de Juillet l'an de Grace mil six cens vingtneuf et de nostre régne le vingtiésme.
Par le Roy.
18 The English ratification reads tout ce. 19 The English ratification contains the following additional article: "8. Les deux Roys signeront les presents articles dans le 14/24 du mois d'Avril, les quels seront con signes en mesme temps par leur commandement es mains des Seigneurs Ambassadeurs de Venize residens pres de leurs personnes pour les delivrer reciproquement auxdits deux roys a jour prefix incontinent que chacun d'eux aura sceu l'un de l'autre quilz ont lesdits articles entre les mains: et du jour de la signature tous acres d'hostilite tant par mer que par terre cesseront et les proclamations necessaires a cest effect seront faites en un mesme jour dans les deux royaumes."
Treaty of peace and commerce between Spain and Great Britain,
concluded at Madrid,
November 5/15, 1630.
Ratification by the King of Spain, December 17, 1630.
[Ratification by the King of England, same date.]
When the Duke of Mantua died, in December, 1627, Spain and France gave their support to different claimants to the succession. The brief Franco- Spanish alliance1 was consequently dissolved, and the two kingdoms came into conflict in northern Italy. In view of the coming struggle, Spain desired to make peace with England. Hence Savoy, Spain's ally, sent the Abbé Scaglia as mediator to the English and Spanish courts, and in the spring of 1629 the Spanish government despatched Rubens to England to arrange a suspension of arms and an exchange of ambassadors.2 The painter's able diplomacy paved the way for a treaty favorable to Spain. Indeed, Charles I., whose quarrel with Parliament left him without money to continue hostili ties, was not in a position to drive a good bargain. He agreed to conclude peace with Spain in the form of the treaty of 1604,3 on condition that Spain should restore to his brother-in-law, the Elector Palatine, the places held by Spanish garrisons in the Palatinate;4 and he despatched Sir Francis Cotting ton, a leader of the pro-Spanish party, to negotiate the treaty at Madrid.
Cottington was instructed that he might conclude an article respecting trade with the Indies in the general terms used in the treaty of 1604,5 but that he must not permit British subjects to be more restricted in that trade than the subjects of any other nation.6 Extracts from the truce of Antwerp7 and from the guaranty treaty of the Hague8 "wherein particular mention is made of the Indies", were sent him for his guidance, with the reminder that "that which a Prince undertakes for others is always to be understood he intends for his own subjects".9
On November 15, 1630, more than nine months after Cottington's arrival in Madrid, he, Olivares, and the Spanish commissioners, the Count of Oñate and the Marquis of Flores Davila, signed a treaty of thirty-one articles, which
1 Doc. 34, introduction.
2 Correspondance de Rubens (ed. Rooses and Ruelens), V. 24-25, 34-35.
3 Doc. 27.
4 Correspondance de Rubens, ed. cit., V. 77, 109.
5 Doc. 27, text, art. 9.
6 Letters to Cottington, June 29, July 9, 1630, in P. R. 0., State Papers Foreign, Spain, no. 34.
7 Doc. 28.
8 Doc. 29.
9 Letter to Cottington, July 9, 1630, loc. cit.
was nearly identical with that of 1604. Articles 7 and 8 of the earlier treaty, which concerned the cautionary towns in the United Provinces, were, how ever, omitted; and a few articles were modified. The modifications in article 2 (corresponding to article 2 Of the earlier treaty) and in article 7 (corresponding to article 9 of the earlier treaty) need alone be noticed here.
The second article provides that all actions on account of past depredations shall be extinguished by the treaty, but that restitution shall be made for depredations committed after the publication of peace, or after the lapse of certain specified periods, sufficient to permit of notification of the peace in different parts of the world. The Spaniards desired that the beginning of the periods after which restitution should be made should antedate the treaty, as was the case in the treaty of 1604. But Cottington pointed out that the time there assigned was that of Queen Elizabeth's death, after which no commissions were issued and the crowns were at amity, while in the present war hostilities were in continuance. The Spaniards thereupon pro posed that the day might be a month after the date of the publication of the peace,10 and when the English government, to whom the matter was referred, fixed the time as fifteen days after the peace for the district within the Narrow Seas, three months for the district between the Narrow Seas and the Islands, and a year for beyond the equator, the Spaniards refused to allow more than nine months for the last-named region.11
It is of interest to note that in framing this article the English clearly departed from the principle that treaties lost their force in the distant lati tudes "beyond the lines of peace".12 By this article both parties explicitly agreed to restore prizes even though these were made south of the equator.
The ninth article of the old treaty, avoiding the name of the Indies, provided that the English should trade where they did "ante bellum". The draft of a corresponding article sent by Cottington to England for consideration pro vided that the English should trade where they did before 1575. This alteration Charles would not accept, "because the king his father, though the time was left more at large and indefinite than in nominating a precise year of '75, yet in the opinion of the world did suffer in his reputation as if he had excluded himself and his subjects from trade [i. e., to the Indies] more than other princes and their subjects were". Moreover, it was argued, if the date were allowed, the rights of the English in the East Indies might be impaired because of an article in the treaty of 1571 between Queen Elizabeth and King Sebastian of Portugal, which provided "ne quis navigationem
10 Letter from Cottington, Aug. 24, 1630, P. R. 0., State Papers Foreign, Spain, no. 35.
11 Letter from Dorchester to Cottington, Sept. 27, 1630, ibid.; and "A note of the alterations in the signed treatie", P. R. 0., Treaty Papers, Spain, no. 65.
12 Cf. above, pp. 220, 221.
institueret in maria et terras conquestus Portugailiae."13 In the draft returned to Cottington therefore, the words ante bellum were restored. The Spaniards insisted on adding phrases to indicate clearly that Elizabeth's war, not Charles's, was intended, and King Philip himself took great pains to assist in altering the provision so as to make its meaning unmistakable. The Spanish commissioners protested that they did not intend even to question the English navigation to the East Indies, or to impeach it by this article. Cottington felt sure that if Charles would "admit of negative articles", not to trade in certain specified harbors possessed by the Portuguese, or not to sail into specified bays, the Spaniards would "capitulate a free navigation into those seas [of the East Indies], and not only into those seas but (on those conditions) to the coast of America also, particularly allowing the plantations of Virginia and others". This they had promised him, but he was far from advising Charles "to think of such restrictions, for certainly a little more time will open the navigation into all parts, so long as there are no negative capitulations or articles to hinder it". He added that the Span iards were "fearful of incroachments upon the coast of the West Indies and of the English sailing into those seas, which they would gladly remedy or at least limit, if they could".14 Peace was proclaimed on December 5/15, and the treaty was ratified by both kings on December 7/17, 1630.15
On January 12, 1631, representatives of the two crowns concluded at Madrid a secret league against the Dutch, providing that war should be made against them, by land and sea, until they were reduced to obedience to Spain.16
In 1632 and 1634 the States General were warned by their agents that the Spanish ambassador in England was trying to foment an Anglo-Dutch quarrel about the colony of New Netherland.17
Text: MS. The original manuscript of the ratification by the King of Spain is in the Public Record Office, State Papers Foreign, Treaties, no. 465.
Text: Printed. T. Foedera Rymer ( 1704- 1735), XIX. 219-227; J. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique ( 1726- 1731), tom. V., pt. II., pp. 619-623; J. A. de
13 Letter from Dorchester to Cottington, Sept. 27, 1630, P. R. 0., State Papers Foreign, Spain, no. 35. From the references to the Anglo-Portuguese treaty of 1571 in Dorchester's and Cottington's letters. cited above, it would seem that this treaty was actually signed. For a contrary opinion, cf. V. M. Shillington and A. B. W. Chapman, Commercial Relations of England and Portugal ( 1907), p. 143.
14 Letter from Cottington, Nov. 17, 1630, P. R. 0., State Papers Foreign, Spain, no. 35; Treaty Papers, Spain, no. 65.
15 Sainsbury, Papers illustrative of the Life of Sir Peter Paul Rubens, p. 154, n. 107; Cal. St. Pap., Dom., 1629- 1631, p. 402; Rymer, Foedera, XIX. 226-227; Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V., pt. II., p. 623.
16 The text is printed in State Papers collected by Edward, Earl of Clarendon (1767- 1786), I. 49, 50.
17 J. R. Brodhead, Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York ( 1853, etc.), I. 45, 72.
Abreu y Bertodano, Coleccion de los Tratados de España: Reynado de Phelipe IV. ( 1744- 1751), II. 204-232.
Translations: English. A General Collection of Treatys ( 1732), II. 275- 292. Spanish. Abreu, loc. cit.
References: Contemporary and early writings. Codex Diplomaticus Rubenianus: Correspondance de Rubens et Documents Epistolaires con cernant sa Vie et ses Oeuvres (ed. Max Rooses and Ch. Ruelens, 1887- 1909), IV., V., passim. This great collection includes most of the documents published in the three following works: W. N. Sainsbury, Original Unpublished Papers illustrative of the Life of Sir Peter Paul Rubens, as an Artist and a Diplomatist ( 1859), pp. 68 ff., 129-155; Cruzada Villaamil, Rubens Diplomático Español: Sus Viajes á España y Noticia de sus Cuadros, segun los Inventarios de las Casas Reales de Austria y de Borbon ( 1874) ; L. P. Gachard, Histoire Politique et Diplo matique de Pierre-Paul Rubens ( 1877), appendixes V.-XXIII.
References: Later writings. L. P. Gachard, op. cit., pp. 38-195; S. R. Gardiner , History of England, 1603-1642 ( 1894- 1896), VI. 160-164, 185, 331- 334, 371-376, VII. 101-108, 169-177; L. von Ranke, History of England ( 1875), vol. II., ch. I.; Martin A. S. Hume, The Court of Philip IV. ( 1907), pp. 214-225.
Philippus, Dei gratia Hispaniarum, Utriusque Siciliae, Hierusalem, In diarum, etc., rex, archidux Austriae, dux Burgundiae, Mediolani, etc., comes Habspurgi, Tirolis, etc. Cum tractatus quidam firmae amicitiae et pacis perpetuae ac commertii inter commissarios et deputatos nostros et Serenissimi Caroli, Angliae regis, commissarium, deputatum, et extraordinarium legatum, utritisque regis nomine, Matriti, decimoquinto die mensis Novembris proximè praeteriti, anni Domini millesimi sexcentesimi trigesimi, fuerit concordatus et conclusus, cujus tenor sequitur:
Omnibus et singulis notum sit ac manifestum, quod post diutina ac cruenta bella, quibus Hispaniarum et Angliae regna jam olim invicem agitabantur, accito tandem Summi Dei (qui pacis est Auctor) immensa providentia ad coronae Anglicanae successionem, Serenissimo Jacobo, Scotiae rege, cui, et Hispaniarum Regibus, tutae et sincerae pacis conjunctio semper intercesserat; cum eodem supremi Numinis ductu ageretur de constituenda quoque cum Angliae regno eadem firma pace et concordia, ea demum, vigesima octava die mensis Augusti, anno Domini millesimo sexcentesimo quarto, foeliciter inita fuit, ac postmodum à Serenissimis Philippo Tertio, Hispaniarum, et praelibato jacobo, Magnae Britaniae, regibus, subscripta ac promulgata;19 necnon mutuis inter utrumque regem intercedentibus amicitiae officiis, frater naeque benevolentiae pignoribus, longa annorum serie, sanctê, aequê, ac utiliter observata. Quamvis veto rerum et temporum vicissitudo, et acris illa contentio qua humani generis hostis eidem indefesse studet officere, tum vero varii casus et accidentia, quibus potentiora regna et imperia plerumque sunt obnoxia, nonnullis dissidiis occasionem praebuere, quae mox in apertum
18 The following text is from the original manuscript of the Spanish ratification, P. R. 0., Treaties, no. 465.
19 Doc. 27.
bellum et mutuas utrinque hostilitates evaserunt, Omnipotens ille Deus, in cujus manibus corda principum sunt posita, Serenissimorum Philippi Quarti, Hispaniarum regis Catholici, et Caroli, regis Magnae Britaniae, animis nequaquam voluit excidere antiquam illam amicitiam qua regiae istae coronae tanquam firmissimo nexu, hactenus obstringebantur aut indefessum studium, quo regii eorum progenitores Christiano sanguini parcere, et subjectos sibi populos almae pacis tranquillitate beare quaesiverunt, quo et praeviis apud utrunque regem, nomine Caroli Emmanuelis, ducis Sabaudiae, à D. Alexandro Caesar Scaglia, abbate de Staffarda, Sussa, et Mulegio, ejus intimo con siliario et legato, aliisque ministris eundem in finem adhibitis amicabilibus officiis, factum est, ut pacis non ita pridem injecta mentio, non lubenti solum animo excepta, sed etiam regii legati qui de ea sancienda agerent, utrinque missi fuerint; à Serenissimo quidem Magnae Britaniae Rege ad aulam Hispanicam, D. Franciscus Cottingtonus, eques baronetus, Caroli Regis intimus consiliarius et regii in Anglia scaccarii cancellarius, in Angliam vero ab Hispaniarum Rege Catholico, D. Carlus Coloma, ejusdem ab intimis consiliis, et supremus prefectus arcis et territorii Cameracensis: explorata igitur utriusque regis pia et innatae regiae generositati et magnanimitati consentanea ad pacem propensione, instituta fuit Matriti desuper tractatio, et ad eam pro parte Serenissimi Hispaniarum Regis Catholici specialiter fuerunt deputati D. Gaspar de Guzman, comes Olivarensis, dux de Sanlucar majori nuncupata, ejus summus cubicularius et equitii regii praefectus, magnus Indiarum cancellarius, etc., D. Inicus Velez de Guevara, comes de Ognate, etc., et Petrus de Cuniga, marchio de Flores Davila, etc., omnes ab intimis Serenissimi Regis consiliis sub commissione et mandato tenoris subsequentis. . . .
[Here follow the powers given by the King of Spain to his above- named deputies, at Madrid, May 31, 1630; and the powers given by the King of Great Britain to Cottington at Westminster, October 20/30, 1629.]
Quiquidem utriusque regis comissarii et deputati, facto aliquoties congressu, praeviaque solerti tantae rei discussione et matura adhibita deliberatione, Deo piis coeptis favente, ad majorem ejus gloriam, orbis Christiani beneficium, utriusque vero regis subditorum commodum et tranquillitatem, subsequentes pacis perpetuo duraturae articulos concordarunt et stabilierunt:
1. Primo, conclusum, stabilitum, et concordatum fuit et est, ut ab hodie in antea sit bona, sincera, vera, firma, et perfecta amicitia, et confederatio, ac pax perpetuô duratura, quae inviolabiliter observetur inter Serenissimum Regem Hispaniarum et Serenissimum Magnae Britaniae Regem, eorumque haeredes ac successores quoscumque eorumque regna, patrias, dominia, terras, populos, homines, ligios, ac subditos, quoscunque, praesentes et futuros, cujuscunque conditionis, dignitatis, et gradus existant, tam per terram quam per mare et aquas dulces, ita ut praedicti vasalli et subditi sibi invicem favere, et mutuis prosequi officiis ac honesta affectione invicem se tractare habeant.
2. Cessetque in posterum omnis hostilitas ac inimicitia, offensionibus omni bus, injuriis, et damnis quae durante bello partes quoquomodo percepissent, sublatis et oblivioni traditis, ita ut in posterum nihil alter ab altero occasione quorumcunque damnorum, offensionum, captionum, aut spoliorum praeten dere possit; sed omnium abolitio sit, et censeatur facta ab hodie in antea, omnisque actio extincta habeatur, salva et praeter quam respectu captionum
factarum intra districtum maris arctioris 20 spatio quindecim dierum, et intra arctioris maris Insularumque21 tractus spatio trium mensium; atque ultra lineam22 spatio novem mensium integro elapso à die publicatae pacis, sive statim à significatione pacis infra dictos limites et loca sufficienter, facta per declarationes, aut diplomata authentica respective monstranda, quia de illis debebit reddi ratio fierique restitutio. Abstinebuntque in futurum ab omni praeda, captione, offensione, et spolio in quibuscunque regnis, dominiis, locis, et ditionibus alterutrius ubivis sitis, tam in terra quam in mari et aquis dulcibus, nec per suos vassallos, incolas, vel subditos aliquid ex praedictis fieri consentient, omnemque praedam, spolium, ac captionem, aut damnum quod inde fiet vel dabitur restitui facient.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7. Item, conventum et stabilitum fuit et est, quod inter Serenissimum Regem Hispaniarum et Serenissimum Regem Angliae ac cujuslibet eorum vassallos, incolas, et subditos, tam per terram quam per mare et aquas dulces, in omnibus et singulis regnis, dominiis, et insulis, aliisque terris, civitatibus, oppidis, villis, portubus, ac districtibus dictorum regnorum et dominiorum sit et esse debeat commercium liberum, in quibus inter dicta regna fuit commercium ante bellum inter Philippum Secundum Hispaniarum regem, et Elisabeth Angliae Reginam, prout stabilitum fuit in tractatu pacis23 anni millesimi sexcentesimi quarti articulo nono; juxta et secundum usum et observantiam antiquorum foederum, et tractatuum supradictum tempus ante cedentium; ita ut absque aliquo salvoconductu, aliaque licentia generali, vel speciali, tam per terram quam per mare et aquas dulces, subditi et vasalli unius et alterius regis possint et valeant ad omnia praedicta eorumque omnium civitates, oppida, portus, littora, sinus, et districtus accedere, intrare, navigare, et quoscunque portus subire, in quibus ante supradictum tempus fuit mutuum commercium, et juxta et secundum usum et observantiam antiquorum foede rum et tractatuum praedictorum, cum plaustris, equis, sarcinulis, navigiis, tam onustis quam onerandis, merces importare, emere, vendere in iisdem quantum voluerint, commeatum resque ad victum et profectionem necessarias justo pretio sibi assumere, restaurandis navigiis, et vehiculis propriis, vel conductis aut commodatis operam dare; illinc cum mercibus, bonis, ac rebus quibus cumque, solutis juxta locorum statuta teloniis et vectigalibus praesentibus tantum, eadem libertate recedere, indeque ad patrias proprias, vel alienas, quomodocunque velint, et sine impedimento exire.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
31. . . . Quae omnia supra contenta a nobis praenominatis utriusque regis deputatis, legatis, et commissariis, dictarum commissionum vigore nostro rumque regum nomine concordata, stabilita, et conclusa fuerunt. In quorum omnium et singulorum fidem manu propria subscripsimus, decimoquinto die
20 The interpretation of the expression "Narrow Seas", where the English kings claimed "sovereignty", was extended by the English, after the early years of the seventeenth century, to include not only the channel between England and France, but also the sea between England and the Netherlands. See G. Edmundson, Anglo-Dutch Rivalry during the First Half of the Seventeenth Century ( 1911), app. B.
21 The ocean islands then under the rule of Spain--the Cape Verde, Azores, etc.
22 The equator. "In the late agreement betwixt the kings of Great Britain and Spain [anno 1630, art. 2] the Equinoctial Line is the Bound appointed in the Sea." J. Selden, Mare Clausum: the Right and Dominion of the Sea ( 1663), p. 138. 23 Doc. 27.
Novembris, anno Doniini millesimo sexcentesimo trigesimo.
Don Gaspar de Guzman.
El Conde de Oñate.
El Marques de Flores.
Nos, igitur, omnia et singula dicti tractatus capitula suprascripta per nostros, et Serenissimi Magnae Britaniae Regis commissarios, legatos et deputatos praedictos, conventa, concordata, et conclusa, et omnia et singula super inde in eisdem contenta et specificata, rata, firma, et grata habentes, ea omnia et singula pro nobis, haeredibus et successoribus nostris, quatenus ad nos, haeredes, successores, vel subditos nostros, concernunt, aut concernere poterunt, acceptamus, approbamus, et rattificamus, ac inviolabiliter, firme, et fideliter tenebimus, observabimus, et adimplebimus; et cum effectu faciemus (ut in dictis capitulis continetur) etiam per subditos nostros ac regnorum nostrorum incolas teneri, observari, et adimpleri; nec eis directe nec indirectè per nos contraveniemus, nec per subditos nostros et regnorum nostrorum incolas contravenire directè nec per indirectum consentiemus, et ita in bona fide et in verbo regio promettimus. In quorum omnium praemissorum fidem et testimonium, his praesentibus literis manu nostra subscriptis, et per infra scriptum secretarium nostrum referendatis, sigillum nostrum apponi fecimus. Datum Matriti, decima septima die mensis Decembris, anno Domini millesimo sexcentesimo trigesimo.
ANDREAS DE ROCAS.
Philip, by the grace of God king of the Spains, the Two Sicilies, Jerusalem, the Indies, etc., archduke of Austria, duke of Burgundy, Milan, etc., count of Hapsburg, Tyrol, etc.--Whereas, between our commissioners and deputies and the commissioner, deputy, and ambassador extraordinary of the Most Serene Charles, king of England, and in the name of both kings, there was agreed and concluded at Madrid on November 15, last, A. D. 1630, a certain treaty of firm friendship and perpetual peace, and of commerce, the tenor of which follows:
Be it known and manifest to all and singular that when, after the long and bloody wars whereby the kingdoms of the Spains and England were some time ago mutually troubled, at length, by the boundless providence of the supreme God, the author of peace, the Most Serene James, king of Scotland, who had always been united to the kings of the Spains in a firm and sincere peace, was called to the succession of the English crown; and when, by the same guidance of the supreme deity, negotiations were begun for establishing the same firm peace and concord with the kingdom of England as well, this was at last happily concluded on August 28, A. D. 1604, and afterwards ratified and proclaimed by the Most Serene Philip III., king of the Spains, and the aforesaid James, king of Great Britain; and by mutual friendly services and pledges of fraternal good-will between the two kings, it was for a long series of years sacredly, justly, and advantageously observed. And although the vicissitude of things and times and that cruel obstinacy whereby the enemy of the human race incessantly labors to do it harm, as well as the various occurrences and accidents to which the mightiest kingdoms and empires are commonly subject, gave occasion for some dissensions, which later developed into open war and mutual hostilities on both sides, yet the Omnipotent God, in whose hands the hearts of princes lie, did not wish the Most Serene Philip IV., Catholic king of the Spains, and the Most Serene Charles, king of Great Britain, to forget that ancient friendship whereby those royal crowns were hitherto joined as with the stoutest band, or the tireless zeal whereby their royal progenitors sought to spare Christian blood and bless the peoples subject to them with the tranquillity of bountiful peace. By whom and by the preliminary friendly offices rendered to both kings for this purpose in the name of Charles Emmanuel, duke of Savoy, by Alessandro Cesare Scaglia, abbot of Stafforda, Susa, and Mulegio, his privy councillor and ambassador, and by other ministers, it was brought about that not only was the proposal of peace, made a little while before, willingly adopted, but royal ambassadors were likewise sent from both sides to treat for its establishment. Sir Francis Cottington, knight baronet, member of the privy council of King Charles and chancellor of the royal exchequer, was sent to the court of Spain on behalf of the Most Serene King of Great Britain; and Don Carlos Coloma, member of his council of state, and governor of the fortress and territory of Cambray, was sent to England by the Catholic king of the Spains. When therefore the pious inclination of both kings to peace, so consistent with their inherent royal generosity and magnanimity, was known, negotiations for it were instituted at Madrid. To these negotia tions, the Most Serene Catholic King of the Spains specially deputed Don Gaspar de Guzman, count of Olivares, duke of San Lucar la Mayor, principal chamberlain and master of the royal stable, grand chancellor of the Indies, etc., Don Iñigo Velez de Guevara, count of Oñate, etc., and Don Pedro de Zuñiga, marquis of Flores Davila, etc., all members of the Council of State of the said most serene king, and empowered by a commission and command of the following tenor:
[Here follow the powers given by the King of Spain to his above-named deputies, at Madrid, May 31, 1630; and the powers given by the King of Great Britain to Cottington at Westminster, October 20/30, 1629.]
These commissioners and deputies of both kings, after holding several con ferences and engaging in skillful preliminary discussion and mature delibera tion upon so important a matter, God favoring their pious undertakings, for His greater glory, the benefit of Christendom, and the advantage and quiet of the subjects of both kings, have agreed upon and settled the following articles of perpetual peace:
1. First, it was and is concluded, settled, and accorded, that from this day forth, there shall be a good, sincere, true, firm, and perfect amity, league, and perpetual peace, which shall be inviolably observed and kept, both by land and by sea and fresh waters, between the Most Serene King of the Spains and the Most Serene King of Great Britain, and all their heirs and succes sors, and all their kingdoms, countries, dominions, lands, peoples, vassals, liegemen, and subjects, now being or which hereafter shall be, of whatever condition, rank, or degree they may be, so that the aforesaid vassals and subjects must henceforth favor each other mutually, and render each other mutual services, and treat each other, mutually, with sincere good-will.
2. And that from henceforth all hostility and enmity shall cease, and all the offenses, injuries, and damages, which the parties have in any way sustained, shall be put aside and forgotten; so that in future neither party may have any claims against the other, on account of any damages, offenses, captures, or spoils; but they shall all be annulled, and considered as annulled, from this day forth; and all actions [for the same] shall be regarded as extinguished, saving and except for captures made within the strait of the Narrow Seas after the space of fifteen days, and between the Narrow Seas and the Islands after the space of three months, and beyond the Line after the space of nine months fully ended, to be reckoned from the publication of the peace, or immediately after notice of the peace is sufficiently given within the said limits and places by declarations or by authentic documents which should be respectively shown, because an accounting must be made concerning these and restitution made. And hereafter each party shall abstain from all depredations, captures, offenses, and spoils, both by land and by sea and fresh waters in all the kingdoms, dominions, places, and juris dictions of the other, wherever situated; nor shall they consent that any of the aforesaid wrongs shall be committed by their vassals, inhabitants of their kingdoms, or subjects, and they shall cause restitution to be made of all booty, spoils, and captures, or for damages proceeding or resulting therefrom.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7. Item, it was and is agreed and settled that between the Most Serene King of the Spains and the Most Serene King of England and the vassals, inhabi tants of their kingdoms, and subjects of each of them, there shall and ought to be free commerce, both by land and by sea and fresh waters, in all and singular their kingdoms, dominions, and islands, and other lands, cities, towns, villages, harbors, and straits of the said kingdoms and dominions, where there was commerce between the said kingdoms before the war between Philip II., king of the Spains, and Elizabeth, queen of England, according as it was settled in the treaty of peace of the year 1604, in the ninth article, agreeably and according to the use and observance of the ancient alliances and treaties made before the said time. So that, without any safe-conduct, or other general or special license, the subjects and vassals of both kings may, and shall have the power, both by land and by sea and fresh waters, to approach, enter, and sail to all the aforesaid [kingdoms and dominions], and to the cities, towns, ports, shores, bays, and straits of all of them; to enter all ports in which there was mutual commerce before the aforesaid time; and agreeably and according to the use and observance of the ancient alliances and treaties aforesaid, with wagons, horses, packs, and boats, laden and to be laden, to bring in merchandise and, in these places, to buy and sell as much as they wish, and to procure for themselves, for a just price, supplies and commodities necessary for their sustenance and voyage, and attend to the necessary repair of boats and vehicles, whether their own, hired, or borrowed. They will be equally free to depart thence with their merchandise, goods, and all other commodities, on payment of the tolls and duties then in force, according to the ordinances of the places; and they may go thence to their own or other countries, as they please, without hindrance.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . All the matters contained above have been agreed upon, settled and concluded by us, the aforesaid deputies, ambassadors, and commissioners of both kings, by virtue of the said commissions and in the name of our kings. In pledge of all and singular of them, we have subscribed them with our own hands, on November 15, A. D. 1630. Don Gaspar de Guzman. The Count of Oñate. The Marquis of Flores. Francis Cottington.
The above-written articles of the said treaty, all and singular, having been
covenanted, agreed upon, and concluded by our aforesaid commissioners,
ambassadors, and deputies, and those of the Most Serene King of Great
Britain--and all and singular contained and specified therein being considered
by us, on that account, as fixed, settled, and acceptable--we, therefore, accept,
approve, and ratify them, and will inviolably, firmly, and faithfully hold,
observe, and fulfill them, all and singular, for us, our heirs and successors,
in so far as they concern or can concern us, our heirs, successors, or subjects;
and we will, in fact (as is set forth in the said articles), likewise cause them to
be kept, observed, and fulfilled by our subjects and the inhabitants of our
kingdoms; nor will we contravene them directly or indirectly ourselves, or
consent that they be contravened by our subjects or by the inhabitants of our
kingdoms, directly or indirectly; and thus we promise in good faith and on
our royal word. In faith and testimony of all the aforesaid we have caused
our seal to be affixed to these present letters, subscribed by our hand and
countersigned by our secretary, whose name is written below.
Given at Madrid, December 17, A. D. 1630.
ANDRÉS DE ROCAS.
Treaty concluded between Great Britain and France at St.
March 19/29, 1632.
[Ratified by the King of Great Britain, April 13/23, 1632.]
The treaty of Susa1 was of a very general character, providing for little more than peace and the exchange of ambassadors extraordinary. On June 22/ July 2, 1629, such ambassadors--Charles de l'Aubespine, marquis de Châteauneuf, and Sir Thomas Edmondes--crossed the channel on their respective ways to the courts of England and France. Châateauneuf was instructed2 to inquire into the discriminations made against French merchants engaged in the English trade, to investigate the arrest and search of French ships going to Spain, and to find out means of establishing a "general settle ment" for the liberty3 and security of commerce. He was to discover Charles's plans for assisting the Elector Palatine and the other Protestant German princes, whom Richelieu expressed a desire to aid, and to encourage Charles, if still hostile to Spain, to use his ships in attacking its coasts, and in intercepting the fleets from the Indies, "Le seul moyen qui peut plus ruiner et incommoder les Espagnols, comme l'ont fait les Hollandois".4 He was also to treat respecting the queen's household. Probably the most important object of his mission was to try to prevent an accommodation between France and Spain.
Edmondes was instructed5 to get certain legal proceedings relating to the seizure of English merchants' goods stopped and the sentences annulled, and to persuade Louis to make peace with the Huguenots as a preliminary to ratifying the treaty of Susa.
Negotiations dragged, for the English were disinclined to make a general commercial regulation with France so long as their war with Spain--and hence the opportunity of seizing French merchant-ships--continued.6 In
1 Doc. 34.
2 The instructions are in the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Correspondance Politique, Angleterre, Supplément, vol. I. ( 1326- 1674), ff. 264 ff.
3 That is, freedom from discriminations by one government against the subjects of the other--made, for example, in respect to import and export duties.
4 Probably the reference is particularly to Piet Hein's recent exploit in capturing the entire West India treasure-fleet.
5 The instructions are in the P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 84, ff. 133 ff.
6 Letters from Châateauneuf, Oct. 21 and Dec. 8, 1629, Jan. 20, 1630, in the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Correspondance Politique, Angleterre, vol.
43, ff. 332, 357, vol. 44, ff. 1, 10. The last is printed in Doughty, Report for 1912, pp. 35-36.
the course of a few months new grievances, mostly of the nature of captures made after the peace, were reported to both governments. The most impor tant were: that the French had taken three English ships of very great value on the coasts of Barbary and Guinea and had brought two of them to Dieppe;7 that they had attacked the English at St. Christopher's;8 and that the English had seized Quebec, together with the peltries and other merchandise found there belonging to the United Company, the predecessor of the Company of New France.9 Toward the end of the year, the English government also learned that Captain Daniel, commander of a fleet of the Company of New France, had surprised Lord Ochiltree and his colonists at Cape Breton and had brought some of them as prisoners to Dieppe.10
Before the arrival of this last report, Châteauneuf, at the instigation of Champlain, had begun to press for the restitution of Canada, Acadia, and the furs and goods seized at Quebec. Negotiations respecting the return of these, and other captures made by both powers since the treaty of Susa, continued during two and a half years, under the conduct of various agents. Early in 1630, Châteauneuf was succeeded at London by Fontenay-Mareuil, ambas sador ordinary, and about the same time Edmondes withdrew from Paris, leaving the business in the hands of the residents, De Vic and Augier, until the arrival of the ambassador ordinary, Isaac Wake, in the spring of 1631.
By the time Châteauneuf left England, he had drafted a treaty of com merce and had obtained from Charles a promise to restore all prizes made since the war, including the places, goods, and ships taken in Canada, and in particular the fort of Quebec.11 Châteauneuf found Charles compliant, for the king's attempt to rule without Parliament had left him in extreme financial need, but the ambassador had much more difficulty with the privy councillors, most of whom, he asserted, were interested in "the navigations, plantations, and letters of marque";12 and were "partners and sharers in the captures that are made".13
Negotiations stuck on the question of the restitution of Port Royal. The English argued that before their arrival the coasts of Port Royal and Cape
10 Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, p. 104, and cf. Doc. 34, introduction.
11 Answer of the commissioners, Feb. 1/11, 1630, Laverdièere, Oeuvres de Champlain, VI., pièeces justificatives, no. viii; Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, p. 107.
12 Letter from Châteauneuf, Oct. 18, 1629, French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Correspondance Politique, Angleterre, vol. 43, f. 307; the same to Richelieu, Nov. 18, 1629, Doughty, op. cit., pp. 27-29.
13 Châteauneuf to Richelieu, Jan. 20, 1630, Doughty, op. cit., p. 33.
7 King Charles to Edmondes, Sept. 17/27, 1629; letters from Edmondes, Sept. 23/ Oct. 3, Oct. 3/13, 1629, and later--all in P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vols. 84, 85.
8 Dorchester to Edmondes, Sept. 17/27, 1629, King Charles to Edmondes, same date; letter from Edmondes, Oct. 16/26, 1629--all in P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 84, f. 300, vol. 85, ff. 49 ff.; Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, p. 103.
9 Doc. 34, introduction.
Breton had been abandoned by the French and that therefore they had a right to occupy them.14 Châteauneuf on the other hand declared that the English should withdraw from Port Royal in order that all things might be restored to the state in which they had been before the outbreak of hostilities.15 Mean while Edmondes was pressing for payment of the remainder of Queen Henrietta Maria's dowry. But since the French were well aware that the retention of this money and of the valuable prize ships at Dieppe gave them an important advantage in bargaining,16 they desired to wait until Charles should cede Port Royal, using the cost of the Franco-Spanish war in Italy as a pretext for postponing the settlement.17 The King of England also asked for a delay in order that he might advise with Sir William Alexander, patentee of Nova Scotia, and with the Scottish Privy Council in regard to the surrender of Port Royal.18
The absorption of the rulers of France in the conduct of the war in Italy appears to have been another cause of the delay in the negotiations.19 Naturally Alexander was reluctant to lose his vast domain, and he seems to have attempted to bribe Châteauneuf, but without success.20 He also recom mended the Convention of the Scottish Estates to petition Charles to retain Nova Scotia.21 Meanwhile the English government learned from its agents in France that the French were making extraordinary naval preparations, in tended for the recovery of Canada by force.22 Under the circumstances Charles felt obliged to yield. He softened the blow to Alexander by raising him to the dignity of viscount and appointing him to a salaried office.23 Dorchester declared that "Port Royal was too poor a business to interrupt that royal friendship [which] is drawn to so near a point of conclusion betwixt the two crowns".24 Charles was determined, however, that the remainder
14 Châteauneuf to Bouthillier, Feb. 20, 1630, Doughty, op. cit., p. 37. The Convention of the Scottish Estates also urged that Port Royal "had never beene repossessed nor claimed by the French, since they were first removed from the same", i. e., by Argall, and that therefore nothing had been taken from them. Rogers, Memorials, I. 126.
15 Dorchester to Wake, Apr. 15, 1630, P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 86, f. 251; Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, p. 113.
16 Letter from Edmondes, Jan. 6/16, 1629/30, P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 86, f. 3.
17 Châteauneuf to Richelieu, Dec. 8, 1629, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, vol. 43, f. 357. 18 Dorchester to Wake, Apr. 15/25, 1630, State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 86, f. 251; Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, p. 113; letter from Augier and De Vic, Nov. 18/28, 1630, P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 87, fol. 420; from the same, Dec. 7/17, 1630, ibid., f. 487; "articles . . . 1631", Doughty, op. cit., p. 40; letter from Montagu, May 23, 1631, ibid., p. 42. For Charles's extraordinary dealings with the Scots in this matter, see Rogers, op. cit., ch. 5.
19 Laverdière, op. cit., VI. 313.
20 Rogers, op. cit., I. 121-122.
21 Ibid., pp. 124-127; Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, pp. 119-120.
22 Letter from Edmondes, Jan. 6/16, 1629/30, from De Vic, Mar. 28/Apr. 7, 1630, P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 86, ff. 3, 159.
23 Rogers, op. cit., I. 127.
24 Letter, Whitehall, Dec. 18/28, 1630, P. R. O., State Papers Foreign, France, vol. 87, f. 526.
of the queen's dowry should be paid when or before Canada and Acadia were ceded. Since the French would not have the dowry mentioned in the treaty, it was arranged that the merchant Philip Burlamachi should be sent to Paris to receive the money or securities and at the same time deliver the orders for the surrender of New France.25
After Burlamachi's arrival in Paris, at the end of August, 1631, more time was consumed over the tedious dispute between the United Company and the Scottish and English Company regarding the furs seized at Quebec. Again the controversy ended in favor of the French.26 At last, on March 19/29, 1632, the English ambassador and the French commissioners signed two treaties at St. Germain-en-Laye. One provided for the revocation of all letters of marque and reprisal issued by either signatory power against the subjects of the other, and laid down rules for the search of merchant-vessels by warships, and the treatment of prizes made at sea.27 The other treaty, printed below, provided for the restoration to the King of France of all places occupied by the English in "New France, Acadia, and Canada"; for the withdrawal of the English therefrom; for a large payment to Guillaume De Caen, representing the United Company, for merchandise found at Quebec; for the return of various prize ships, or a money equivalent for ships and goods. Charles confirmed both treaties on April 13/23. In the following summer Quebec was restored to the United Company, and Port Royal to the Company of New France.28
Text: MS. The original of the protocol is in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Paris, Correspondance Politique, Angleterre, vol. 45, ff. 94-98. The joint confirmation of this treaty and of the treaty of com merce, dated April 13, 1632, is entered on the Treaty Rolls, in the London Public Record Office. It does not include the articles themselves.
Text: Printed. The articles are in T. Foedera Rymer ( 1704- 1735), XIX. 361-363; N. Denys, Description Geographique et Historique des Costes de l'Amerique Septentrionale ( 1672), pp. 238-267; id., Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America ( Acadia) (trans. and ed. by W. F. Ganong, Champlain Soc., 1908), pp. 508-513; F. Leonard, Recueil des Traitez de Paix ( 1693), V.; J. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique ( 1726- 1731), tom. VI., pt. I., pp. 31-33; Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi et de Ceux des Sa Majesté Britannique sur les Possessions et les Droits respectifs des Deux Couronnes en Amérique ( 1755- 1757), II. 5-10; Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à la Nouvelle France édités sousles Auspices de la Législature de Québec
25 Fontenay to Richelieu, June 5, 1631, Doughty, op. cit., pp. 45-46; King Charles to Wake, June 12, 1631, Report on Canadian Archives, 1884 (ed. Brymner), pp. lx-lxi.
26 Biggar, Trading Companies, pp. 162-163.
27 Dumont, Corps Dipl., tom. VI., Pt. I., p. 33.
28 Biggar, op. cit., pp. 164-165.
les Auspices de la Législature de Québec ( 1883- 1885), I. 86-94; Mercure François, XVIII. ( 1633) 40-52. The confirmation of the articles is in T. Rymer, op. cit., XIX. 368.
Translations: A General Collection of Treatys ( 1732), II. 305-309;
N. Denys, op. cit. (ed. Ganong), pp. 229-239.
References: Contemporary and early writings. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, [ America and West Indies], 1574- 1660, pp. 96-108, 111-115, 117-120, 128-132, 134, 139, 142, 143, 145, 151, 152; Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial ( 1908- 1912), I. 136-149, 155-156, 170-171, 180-184; C. H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain ( 1870), tom. VI., pp. 294 ff., and pièces justificatives, nos. i-xxviii; Report of the Work of the Archives Branch for the Year 1912 (ed. A. G. Doughty, 1913), pp. 24-53; Report on Canadian Archives, 1883 (ed. Brymner, 1884), pp. 120 ff.; ibid., 1884, note D, pp. lx-lxii; ibid., 1894, pp. viii-x; Lettres, Instructions Diplomatiques, et Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Richelieu (ed. Vicomte d'Avenel , 1853- 1877), III. 420, et passim, IV. 143, 202, 203, especially letters to Châteauneuf, passim, instructions to Fontenay, III. 518 ff., letter to the Treasurer of England, III. 671-673, in Collection de Docu ments Inédits sur l'Histoire de France; C. Rogers, Memorials of the Earl of Stirling and of the House of Alexander ( 1877), vol. I., chs. 3, 4, 5, passim; T. Rymer, op. cit., XIX. 303-304; E. Hazard, Historical Collec tions ( 1792- 1794), I. 314, 315.
References: Later writings. H. P. Biggar, Early Trading Companies of New France ( 1901), chs. 8, 9; E. M. Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Fraçaise en Canada ( 1865- 1866), I. 244-261; W. Kingsford, History of Canada ( 1887- 1898), vol. I., chs. 9, 10; F.-X. Garneau, Histoire du Canada ( 5th ed., by H. Garneau, 1913), tom. I., liv. I., ch. 3; C. Rogers, op. cit., chs. 3-5.
Articles arrestez entre les Sieurs de Bulion conseiller du Roy très chrestien en ses conseilz d'Estat et privé, et Bouthillier, aussi conseiller de sa Majesté30 en sesdits conseilz et secretaire de ses commandemens, commissaires deputtez par sadite Majesté, et le sieur Isaac Wake, chevalier, et ambassadeur du Roy de la Grande Bretagne, deputté dudit sieur roy pour la restitution des choses qui ont esté prises depuis le traitte de paix fait entre les deux couronnes le xxiiiie jour d'avril mil six cens vingt neuf.
De la part de sa Majesté de la Grande Bretagne le Sieur Isaac Wake, chevalier, et son ambassadeur pres du Roy tres chrestien, en vertu du pouvoir qu'il a, lequel sera inseré en fin des presentes, a promis et promet pour et au nom de sadite Majesté de rendre et restituer a sa Majesté tres chrestienne tous les lieux occupez en la Nouvelle France, la Cadie, et Canada, par les subjectz de sa Majesté de la Grande Bretagne; iceux faire retirer desdits lieux, et pour cet effect ledit sieur ambassadeur delivrera lors de la passation et signature des presentes aux commissaires du Roy Tres chrestien en bonne forme, le pouvoir qu'il a de sa Majesté de la Grande Bretagne pour la restitu
29 The text is taken from the original manuscript of the articles, preserved in the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Correspondance Politique, Angle terre, vol. 45, ff. 94-98.
30 Written throughout the manuscript sa Mate.
tion desdits lieux, ensemble les commandemens31 de sadite Majesté a tous ceux qui commandent dans le Port Royal, Fort de Quebec, et Cap Breton, pour estre lesdits places et fort rendus et remis es mains de ceux qu'il plaira a sa Majesté tres chrestienne ordonner, huit jours apres que lesdits com mandemens auront este notiffiez a ceux qui commandent ou commanderont esdits lieux: ledit temps de huit jours leur estant donné pour retirer cependant hors desdits lieux, places, et fort, leurs armes, bagages, marchandises, or, argent, ustenciles, et generalement tout ce qui leur appartient: ausquelz, et a tous ceux qui sont esdits lieux, est donné le terme de trois sepmaines apres lesdits huit jours expirez, pour durant icelles, ou plustost si faire se peult, rentrer en leurs navires avec leurs armes, munitions, bagages, or, argent, ustenciles, marchandises, pelleteries, et generalement tout ce qui leur ap partient, pour dela se retirer en Angleterre sans sejourner davantage esdits païs.
Et comme il est necessaire que les Anglois envoyent esdits lieux pour reprendre leurs gens, et les ramener en Angleterre, il est accordé que le General de Caen32 payera les frais necessaires pour l'équipage d'un navire de deux cens, ou deux cens cinquante tonneaux de port que les Anglois en voyeront esdits lieux, assavoir le loüage du navire d'aller et retour, victuailles des gens, tant de marine pour la conduite du navire, que de ceux qui sont a terre, lesquelz on doibt ramener, salaire d'iceux, et generalement tout ce qui est necessaire pour l'équipage d'un navire dudit port, pour un tel voyage, selon les usances et coustumes d'Angleterre.
Et de plus, que pour les marchandises loyales et marchandes qui pourront rester es mains des Anglois non trocquées, qu'il leur donnera satisfaction esdits lieux, selon qu'elles auront cousté en Angleterre, avec trente pour cent de proffict, en consideration des risques de la mer, et port d'icelles payez par eux.33
Procedant par les subjetz de sa Majesté de la Grande Bretagne a la resti tution desdites places, elles seront restituées en mesme estat qu'elles estoient lors de la prinse, sans aucune demolition des choses existantes lors de la dite prinse.
Les armes et munitions contenues en la deposition du Sieur de Champlain,34 ensemble les marchandises et ustenciles qui furent trouvées a Quebec lors de la prinse, seront renduës, ou en espece, ou en valeur, selon que le porte la deposition dudit Sieur de Champlain, et sera le contenu en icelle, ensemble tout ce qui est justiffié par la dite deposition avoir esté trouvé audit lieu, lors de la prinse, rendu et delaissé audit fort entre les mains des françois: Et si quelque chose manque du nombre de chacune espece, sera satisfait et payé par
31 Orders for restitution and withdrawal are printed in Doughty, op. cit., pp. 46-51; Laverdière, op. cit., VI., pièces justificatives, no. XXVI. p. 26. See also Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, pp. 143, 151.
32 Guillaume De Caen, general of the fleet of New France. In 1621 he and his nephew, Éméric De Caen, were granted a monopoly of trade in the St. Lawrence. In the following year, their company joined the earlier one of Champlain to form the United Company, which enjoyed the trade of the river until the summer of 1633. Biggar, op. cit., pp. 115-120.
33 D. Kirke and the other Adventurers to Canada thought this allowance of 30 per cent. unreasonably small. They complained that, in general, the treaty sacrificed their interests. Laverdière, op. cit., VI., pièces justificatives, no. xxviii, pp. 27-31.
34 The deposition is printed in Laverdière, op. cit., VI., pièces justificatives, no. xxvii, pp. 26, 27.
le Sieur Philippe Burlamachy, a qui par sa Majesté tres-chrestienne sera ordonné, hors mis les cousteaux, castors, et provenu des debtes enlevez par les Anglois, dequoy on a convenu cy-dessoubz et satisfaction a esté donnée audit General de Caen, pour et au nom de tous ceux qui y pourroient avoir interest.
De plus, ledit Sieur Burlamachy, de la part de sa Majesté de la Grande Bretagne, pour et au nom de sadite Majesté, à la requeste et commandement dudit Sieur Ambassadeur, selon l'ordre qu'il a receu d'elle, et encore en son propre et privé nom, a promis et promet de payer audit General de Caen, dans deux mois du jour de la signature et datte des presentes, pour toutes et chacunes lesdites pelleteries, cousteaux, debtes deues par les sauvages audit General de Caen, et autres marchandises a luy appartenantes trouvées dans ledit fort de Quebec en l'an 1629, la somme de quatre vingtz deux mil sept cens livres tournois.
Plus luy faire rendre et restituer en Angleterre la barque nommée l'Helene,35 agretz, canons, munitions et appartenances, selon le memoire qui en a este justifié pardevant les seigneurs du Conseil d'Angleterre. Seront de plus restituées audit General de Caen dans l'habitation de Quebec toutes les barriques de gallettes, barils de pois, prunes, raisins, farines, et autres marchandises et victuailles de traicte, qui estoient dans ladite barque lors de la prinse d'icelle en l'an 1629, ensemble les marchandises a luy appar tenans, qui ont esté deschargées et laissées l'année derniere a Quebec, en la riviere de Sainct Laurens, pais de la Nouvelle France.
Et en outre promet ledit Sieur Burlamachy audit nom que dessus, payer ou faire payer dans Paris, a qui par sa Majesté tres-chrestienne sera ordonné, la somme de soixante mil six cens deux livres tournois dans ledit temps, pour les navires le Gabriel de Sct. Gilles, Ste Anne du Havre de Grace, la Trinité des Sables d'Ollonne, le Sct Laurens de Sct Malo, et le Cap du Ciel de Calais, canons, munitions, agretz, cordages, victuailles, et marchandises, et generale ment toutes choses comprinses es inventaires et estimations desdits navires faites par les juges de I'admirauté en Angleterre, pareillement pour la barque d'advis, envoyée par les associez du Cappitaine Bontemps, avec les canons, munitions, agretz, apparaux, marchandises, et victuailles, la somme que l'on trouvera que ladite barque et marchandises, agretz, canons, et munitions auront esté vendus ou evaluez par ordre des juges de l'admirauté d'Angle terre: et le mesme pour le vaisseau donné par ledit Bontemps aux Anglois, repassez en Angleterre selon l'evaluation qui en aura este faite--comme dessus.
Comme aussy de la part de sa Majesté Treschrestienne, suivant le pouvoir qu'elle en a donné aux Sieurs de Bullion, conseiller du Roy en ses conseilz d'Estat et privé, et Bouthillier, aussi conseiller du Roy en sesdits conseilz et secretaire de ses commandemens, dont coppie sera inseree a la fin des presentes--il est promis et accordé que les Sieurs Lumagne ou Vanelly donneront caution et assurance au nom de sadite Majesté et en leur propre et privé nom,36 des ce jourdhui datte des presentes de payer dans l'espace
35 The patache of Éméric De Caen, captured by Thomas Kirke on his way back to Tadoussac after the taking of Quebec. Laverdière, op. cit., VI. 251 ff.; Pièces justifi catives, no. xxviii, pp. 28-29.
36 The following words--dans le terme de dix jours apres la signature et--have been struck out. The word presentement, written above them, is also struck out. Marks indicate that the words des ce jourdhui, entered in the margin, should be inserted here.
de deux mois, a compter du jour de ladite datte, audit ambassadeur, ou a qui il ordonnera, en la ville de Paris, la somme de soixante quatre mil deux cens quarante six livres quatre solz trois deniers tournois pour les mar chandises du vaisseau le Jaques; et la somme de soixante neuf mil huict cens nonante six livres neuf sols deux deniers tournois pour les marchandises du vaisseau la Benediction,37 le tout au taux du roy; et que dans quinze jours38 lesdits deux navires le Jaques, et la Benediction, estans maintenant au port et havre de Dieppe, avec leurs cordages, canons, munitions, agretz, apparaux, et victuailles, qui furent trouvez àa leur arrivée audit Dieppe, seront restituez audit sieur ambassadeur d'Angleterre, ou a qui il ordonnera; et si quelque chose de cela vient a manquer luy sera payé en argent comptant.
Et pour le regard du navire la Bride ou Espouze, les sommes ausquelles se trouveront monter ce qui a esté vendu a Calais, tant des vins, et autres marchandises, que du corps du navire, canons, munitions, agretz, apparaux, et victuailles d'iceluy, seront payez, ensemble les sommes ausquelles se trou veront monter le reste de la charge dudit navire, trouvée dans iceluy lors qu'il fut prins, lesquelles seront payées sur le pied de la derniere vente faite audit Calais, pour le payement dequoy lesdits Sieurs Lumagne ou Vanelly passeront caution pour le payer à Paris audit sieur ambassadeur, ou a qui il ordonnera dans le terme susdit.
A esté accordé que sur les sommes qui doibvent estre restituées par les François et Anglois seront desduitz les droitz d'entrée: ensemble ce qui aura esté baillé pour la garde des marchandises et reparation desdits navires, et particulierement douze cens livres pour ce qui touche les droitz d'entree des marchandises dudit General de Caen, et douze cens livres qu'il doibt payer pour les vivres fournis aux François a leur retour en Angleterre et France en 1629.
De plus a esté convenu de part et d'autre, que si lors de la prinse desdits vaisseaux, le Jaques, la Benediction, le Gabriel de Sct Gilles, Ste Anne du Havre de Grace, La Trinité des Sables d'Olonne, le Sct Laurens de Sct Malo, le Cap du Ciel de Calais, a este prinse aucune chose contenue es inventaires et qui neantmoings n'aura este comprise es proces verbaux des ventes ou estimations; comme aussi si lors de la prinse desdits vaisseaux il a este soubztrait ou enlevé quelque chose non comprise es inventaires faitz, tant en France qu'en Angleterre, par les officiers de la marine, et officiers de l'admi rauté, il sera loisible aux interessez desdits navires de se pourveoir par les voies ordinaires de la justice, contre ceux qu'ilz pourront prouver estre coulpables de ce delict, pour iceux estre contraintz par corps a la restitution de ce qui sera prouvé avoir esté enlevé par eux. Et qu'a ce faire ilz seront
37 One of the two valuable prizes which, with 900 negroes, were brought by Capt. Bontemps to Dieppe. In April(?), 1630, Sir Nicholas Crisp and his partners, who had sent this ship to trade to "the river of Senegal, in Guinea", and who estimated their loss by her capture at more than £20,000, petitioned the Privy Council for relief upon such French goods as were then under sequestration, or for letters of reprisal; soon after the government gave the merchants a charter, with a monopoly of the trade from Capes Blanco to Good Hope. Cal. St. Pap., Colonial, 1574- 1660, p. 114. Ch. de La Roncière , Histoire de la Marine Française ( 1899, etc.), IV. 700; W. R. Scott, Joint- Stock Companies ( 1910- 1912), II. 14. The Adventurers to Canada complained that in the proceeding about this ship the French valuation of the captured goods was accepted, and the English rejected. Laverdière, op. cit., VI., pièces justificatives, no. xxviii, p. 31. The other prize, the James, was valued, with its cargo, at £124,000. Cal. St. P., Domestic, 1629- 1631, pp. 39, 133, 466, et passim.
38 The words quinze jours appear to have been written in after the rest of the document.
contraintz solidairement, le soluable pour l'insoluable, sans toutesfois que lesdits interessez puissent pour raison de ce pretendre aucune reparation de leurs griefs par represailles ou lettres de marque, soit par mer, ou par terre.
Pour l'execution de ce que dessus, toutes lettres et arrestz necessaires seront expediez de part et d'autre, et fournis dans quinze jours.39
[Here follow the full powers given by Louis XIII. of France to the Sieurs Bullion and Bouthillier, on January 25, 1632, and by Charles I. of England to Sir Isaac Wake, on June 9/19, 1631.]
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
En foy dequoy nous commissaires et ambassadeur susdits, en vertu de nos pouvoirs avons signé les presentes articles a Sainct Germain en Laye40 le 29 jour de Mars mil six cens trente deux
BULLION, BOUTHILLIER, ISAACUS WAKUS.
39 The words quinze jours have been written in after the rest of the manuscript and the words following them--ensemble les obligations necessaires desdits Sieurs Lumagne ou Vanelly et Burlamachy pour parvenir a lacomplissement de ce que dessus--have been struck out.
40 The word Paris has been struck out.
Treaty of alliance between Portugal and France concluded at
Paris, June 1, 1641.
In December, 1640, the Portuguese people, encouraged by a rebellion then proceeding in Catalonia, revolted against the government of Philip IV. of Spain and acclaimed the Duke of Braganza as king of Portugal, under the name of John IV. The unequal political union of the two kingdoms in the person of the Spanish monarch had been well-nigh ruinous to the Portu guese. While they complained of such wrongs as illegal taxation and the appointment of unfit officials, they seem to have resented even more bitterly the destruction of their naval power, commerce, and world-wide colonial empire.1 Their vast commerce, formerly protected by their traditional policy of peace and by their strong navy, had been ruined by their union with a warlike country whose enemies, Holland, England, and France, had usurped Portugal's trade and stripped her of her mostly undefended colonies in the Orient, on the coast of Africa, and in Brazil. Spain's indifference to the welfare of Portugal appeared, as the Portuguese thought, in the terms of the truce of Antwerp of 1609. The truce was limited to regions north of the Line, and left the southern latitudes, the seat of the principal Portuguese colonies, open to attack.2 The Spanish government also showed its indiffer ence by forbidding the Portuguese access to the Spanish Indies, while it permitted Castilians to enjoy the colonies of Portugal.3
In spite of the fact that Holland, England, and France had robbed Portugal of colonies, it was to these countries, as enemies of Spain, that the new king John IV. naturally turned for aid. Early in 1641 he despatched ambassadors to Paris, London, and the Hague, as well as to Copenhagen and Stockholm. Support from France, at war with Spain since 1635, was already pledged. Richelieu, indeed, had fomented the rebellion and worked for its success.4 He warmly welcomed the Portuguese ambassadors, Francisco de Mello and
1 The "manifesto" of Feb., 1641, which sets forth the Portuguese grievances, is in Abreu y Bertodano, Coleccion de los Tratados de España: Reynado de Phelipe IV., III. 422-477. For the commercial grievances, see pp. 440-449, or Fernández Duro, Armada Española ( 1895- 1903), IV. 273-277.
2 The "manifesto" mentioned in the foregoing note refers to this grievance. For the truce, see above, Doc. 28.
3 G. Scelle, La Traite Négrière aux Indes de Castille ( 1906). I. 413, 474.
4 Commission des Archives Diplomatiques, Recueil des Instructions: Portugal, pp. xviii ff.
Dr. Antonio Coelho de Carvalho, upon their arrival in Paris toward the end of March,5 since he believed that an alliance between Portugal, France, and Holland would mean the ruin of Spain. 6 The ambassadors' principal proposals7 were, briefly, as follows: that an offensive league should be formed against Spain, to include the friends of both crowns and in particular the United Netherlands; that France should aid the rebellious Catalans; that, in April, France should send twenty warships to the coasts of Portugal to join the Portuguese and Dutch ships in destroying the Castilian fleet at Cadiz, in seizing the principal ports, and in capturing the West India silver fleet--an enterprise which, according to the ambassador, would, if carried out, end the war; that a similar joint naval expedition should be made each year so long as the war lasted; that none of the allies should withdraw from the league without the consent of the others, or make a separate peace with Spain; that France should aid Portugal with cavalry and officers and by permitting the export of arms and ammunition; and that there should be reciprocal freedom of commerce between the two crowns. Richelieu drew up a projet8 embodying most of these demands, but with some modifications, such as, that the supreme command of the naval forces should be given to the Admiral of France and that the French contingent should not join the fleet of Portugal till June. A serious stumbling block was the desire of the Portu guese to bind the King of France not to make peace with Spain without them. To this Richelieu would not agree, under the pretext that it would hinder a general peace. Finally, "pour contenter leur imagination", he framed a separate and secret article whereby the King of France condi tionally promised to endeavor, in concluding a treaty with Spain, to retain the liberty of assisting the King of Portugal "in his just pretensions". On the other hand, this article bound Portugal to make no treaty with Spain except with the consent of France and her allies.9 Since Portugal's existence seemed to depend on alliance with France her envoys felt constrained to accept this article. The treaty was signed on June 1.
A French squadron of thirty-two ships, under command of the Marquis de Brezé (who in the preceding year had sunk several of the West Indian galleons), arrived at Lisbon on August 6, 1641, to co-operate with the naval forces of the Portuguese and Dutch. The combined fleets sailed from Lisbon about a month later, but accomplished little of importance.10
10 Santarem, op. cit., IV. (1), pp. 42-45; C. Fernández Duro, op. cit., IV. 262 ff., 269 ff.
5 Santarem, Quadro Elementar, IV. (1), 27.
6 Lettres de Richelieu (ed. Avenel), VI. 771-772, and note.
7 For the ambassadors' public and private instructions, see Santarem, op. cit., IV. (1), 5-13, 16-21.
8 Printed in Bittard des Portes, "Une Alliance entre la France et le Portugal" in Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, XII. 198, 199.
9 Lettres de Richelieu (ed. Avenel), VII. 859, 860.
Text: MS . A copy of the protocol is in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, Cinq Cents de Colbert, vol. 305, p. 257. This is the manuscript of the treaty referred to by the Viscount de Santarem, Quadro Elementar ( 1842- 1876), tom. IV., pt. I., p. 35, note 30. We are informed that another copy of the protocol is in the National Archives of Portugal, at Lisbon. According to the Viscount de Santarem the secret article of this treaty exists in the manuscript memoirs of the embassies of Luiz Pereira de Castro , p. 13 (MSS. da Corõa). No original manuscripts of this treaty have been found.
Text: Printed . J. F. Borges de Castro, Collecção dos Tratados de Portu gal desde 1640 ( 1856- 1858), I. 16-23; F. Leonard, Recueil des Traitez de Paix ( 1693), IV.; J. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique ( 1726- 1731), tom. VI., pt. I., p. 214; J. A. de Abreu y Bertodano, Coleccion de los Tratados de España: Reynado de Phelipe IV. ( 1744- 1751), III. 570-575; Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, vol. XII. ( 1898), pp. 204-207.
Translations: Portuguese . Borges de Castro, loc. cit. Spanish. Abreu y Bertodano , loc. cit.
References: Contemporary and early writings . Lettres, Instructions Diplo matiques, et Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Richelieu (ed. Vicomte d'Avenel , 1853- 1877), VI. 768, 772, 773, 794, 795, 799, and notes, VII. 283, 288, 857-864, 1048, VIII. 369, 370, in Collection de Documents Inédits sur l'Histoire de France; Santarem, op. cit., tom. IV., pt. I., pp. 5-38; R. Bittard des Portes, "Une Alliance entre la France et le Portugal au XVIIe Siècle", in Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, vol. XII. ( 1898), pp. 196-212, passim.
References: Later writings . R. Bittard des Portes, op. cit.; Commission des Archives Diplomatiques, Recueil des Instructions données aux Am bassadeurs et Ministres de France depuis les Traités de Westphalie jusqu'à la Revolution Française ( 1884--), III. Portugal (ed. Vicomte de Saint-Aymour ), pp. xvi-xxxi; Viscount de Santarem, loc. cit., pp. clxxxix-cciv; J. B. G. de Flassan, Histoire Générale de la Diplomatie Française ( 1811), III. 60-65; H. Schäfer, Geschichte von Portugal ( 1836- 1854), IV. 508-511, in Heeren and Ukert, Geschichte der Europäischen Staaten; L. A. Rebello da Silva, Historia de Portugal nos Seculos XVII. e XVIII. ( 1860- 1871), IV. 282-298; E. Lavisse, Histoire de France ( 1900- 1910), tom. VI., pt. II., pp. 350-352; J. Knight, La Diplomatie Française et l'Indépendance du Portugal au XVIIe Siècle [ 1640- 1668], (Positions, Ecole des Chartes, 1902), pp. 57-68.
Le roi, sçachant l'amittié et bonne intelligence qui a esté entre les rois ses predecesseurs et les antiens rois de Portugal, desquels le Roi D. Jean IV., á present regnant, a esté recongneu unanimement par tous les Portugais pour legitime successeur, duquel sa Majesté a esté bien aise de voir icy les ambas sadeurs qu'il a envoiés vers elle pour renouveller cette antienne amitié, et
11 The text is from a copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, Cinq Cents de Col bert, vol. 305, p. 257.
l'assurer par une alliance entre elle et ledit roy, surquoy les commissaires de sa Majesté aiant plain pouvoir d'elle sont convenus avec lesdits Sieurs Ambassadeurs, aiant aussi plain pouvoir dudit Roi de Portugal, des articles suivans: 1.12 Il y aura doresnavant paix et alliance perpetuelle entre les Roys de France et de Portugal et leurs roiaumes, provinces, mers, ports, et havres.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Messieurs les États Generaux des Provinces Unies des Pais Bas seront
admis en ceste alliance, aux conditions qui seront convenues avec eux.
4.Pendant la présente guerre que le roy a contre le Roi de Castille13 laquelle il continura puissament le Roy de Portugal agira de son costé con tinuellement contre ledit roy, et l'attaquera de sa puissance rant par terre que par mer.
5.Pour en faciliter le moien sa Majesté demeure d'accord de joindre a la fin de Juin vingt de ses vaisseaux bien armes, et equipés en guerre a vingt gallions du Roy de Portugal que ses ambassadeurs asseurent et promettent au nom du dit Roy leur Maistre qu'ils seront trouves, et mesme davantage armés, et bien equippés en guerre et tous prestz à faire voille, dont les moindres seront de trois cens tonneaux,14 affin que lesdites deux flottes fortiffiees de 20 vaisseaux que les dits Estats Generaux doivent donner de secours au dit Roy Don Jean allant attaquer la flotte des Castillans venant des Indes, ou entreprendre dans les Estats du dit Roi de Castille par des descentes dans ses terres, ce qui sera estimé plus à propos, bien entendu que lesdits vaisseaux, tant de Portugal que desdits Sieurs les Estats Generaux, defereront a ladmiral de France le comandement et tous les autres honneurs qui luy sont deús, et qu'en cas que la flotte dudit Roy de Castille vint à estre prinse, elle sera partagee egalement entre les confederes.
6.Si les années suivantes les deux rois et lesdits Sieurs Estats jugent quil soit a propos de continuer une pareille entreprise on le fera par avis commun.
7. Il y aura libre trafic et commerce entre les subjets, roiaumes, et etats des deux roix, comme du temps des anciens Rois de Portugal, en sorte que leurs subjets pourront negocier et traffiquer en toute seuretté les uns avec les autres comme amis et allies, sans qu'il leur soit donné aucun empesche ment, ains toute sorte de protection et soulagement pour leur trafficq mesme, sy besoin est, leur sera accordé de part et d'autre des privileges et libertes plus grandes que par le passé.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9. Les susdits articles out esté signés au nom du Roy par Monsr Seguier, chevalier et chancellier de France, Monsr Bouthiller, commandeur, grand
12 The articles are not numbered in the manuscript.
13 In recognition of the separation of the Portuguese from the Spanish crown, Philip IV., in this and the following treaty, is styled "Roy de Castille", instead of "Roy d'Espagne". The reason for this change is explained by D. Antonio de Macedo in his Lusitania Liberata ( 1645), pp. 6, 7, as follows: "Sed quia verè toti Hispaniae citeriori dominabantur; postquam verò Portugalliae Regnum occuparunt, jam non Hispaniae appellabantur Reges, sed, Hispaniarum, videlicet citerioris et ulte rioris; . . . passimque apud alios Hispaniarum Rex nuncupabatur, atque hodiè, post quam eum è Portugalliâ jus dejecit, excusabiliter à populo nominabitur Rex Hispaniae, nempè citerioris; quamvis propriùs à scientibus Regis Castellae titulo cognoscatur." 14 The Portuguese contingent actually consisted of only seventeen ships, of which only ten were of 300 tons or over.
Santarem, op. cit., IV. (1), pp. 45, 46, note 45.
tresorier des Ordres du Roy et sur-intendant des finances de France; Monsr Bouthiller de Chavigny, aussy commandeur, grand-trésorier des Ordres de sa Majesté, secrettaire destat et de ses commandements; et au nom dudit Roy de Portugal par Don Francisco de Mello, du conseil dudit Roi et son grandveneur, et Don Antonio Coelho de Carvalho, aussy du conseil du dit Roy et du conseil de son parlement supreme, ses ambassadeurs pres sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, et seront ratifiez respectivement par sa Ma[jes]tè et par ledit Roy de Portugal, dans le terme de quatre mois.
Fait à Paris le 1 Juin, 1641.
Bien qu'il ne soit point parlé dans le traitté public passé cejourdhuy entre [les Sieurs Commissaires du Roy Trés Chrestienne et les ambassadeurs du Roy de Portugal]15 de ce qu'il se poura faire en faveur du Roy de Portugal au cas que le Roi et ses conféderes viennent a conclure la paix avec la maison d'Autriche, le roy toutesfois par sa generositté a bien voulu assurer le Roy de Portugal, son bon frère, que lorsqu'il viendra a la conclusion d'un traitté de paix, il fera son possible pour se reserver la liberté de l'assister tousjours en ses justes prétentions, pourveu que les allies de Saditte Majesté consentent d'entrer avec elle en une pareille obligation, bien entendu qu'en tel cas le Roy de Portugal s'obligera a ne faire aucun traitté avec le Roy de Castille sans le consentement de Sa dite Majesté et de ses allies.
Le susdit article secret sera signé au nom du Roy par [Monsieur le Cardinal Duc de Richelieu]15 et au nom du Roy de Portugal par [Don Francisco de Mello]15 et sera respectivement ratiffié par Sa Majesté et ledit Roy de Portu gal dans le terme de quatre mois. Fait à Paris le 1 jour de Juin, 1641.
SEGUIER, BOUTHILLER, BOUTHILLER.
15 The bracketed words are from a copy in the National Archives at Lisbon.
Treaty of truce and commerce between Portugal and the United
concluded at the Hague, June 12, 1641.
Ratifi cation by the King of Portugal, November 18, 1641.
[Ratifi cation by the States General, February 20, 1642.]
Early in 1641, John IV., having accepted the crown of Portugal upon its severance from that of Spain, and needing support from Spain's enemies,1 sought alliance with the United Netherlands. The States General were well disposed toward the new king, and, in accordance with suggestions from Richelieu, had already resolved to despatch an envoy to Portugal and to equip a fleet to act with that of France in favor of Portugal and against Spain.2 Nevertheless there were obstacles to an alliance. During the twenty years of hostilities between the United Netherlands and Spain, following the expiration of the truce of Antwerp,3 the two great trading companies of the Dutch had endeavored to supplant the Portuguese in their colonial possessions and trade, which were, for the most part, insufficiently defended by the Spanish government. In the Far East, by the end of January, 1641, the Dutch East India Company had expelled the Portuguese from part of Ceylon and from Malacca. In Brazil, the Dutch West India Company had gained control of the captaincies from Maranhão to Sergipe del Rey; and in Africa, the same company, with a view to securing the supply of slaves needed for the Brazilian sugar plantations, had dislodged the Portuguese from the forts of Cape Coast Castle and St. George of the Mine ( 1637) and from the island of Arguin ( 1638).4The Portuguese ambassador, Tristão de Mendoça, having been detained in England, did not deliver his credentials to the States General until April 12. His proposals5 were as follows: 1. A ten years truce should be concluded between Portugal and the States General in the East and West Indies and wherever the King of Portugal should be recognized.
1 Cf. Doc. 37, introduction.
2 Arend, Algemeene Geschiedenis, III. ( 5), 300; Aitzema, Saken van Staet, II. 753 ff.
3 Doc. 28.
4 J. G. Doorman, "Die Niederländisch-West-Indische Compagnie an der Goldküste" in Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, XL. ( 1898) 443, 444;
De Lannoy and Vander Linden, L'Expansion Coloniale: Néerlande et Danemark, p. 97.
5 Arend, op. cit., III. ( 5), 307.
2. The States General should aid Portugal with twenty big ships and ten
frigates. Spanish prizes should be divided according to the number of ships
used by each party--Dutch, Portuguese, or French--in the attack.
3. Conquests made by the West India Company in Brazil should be restored to Portugal for reasonable compensation, or for permission to the company to appropriate conquests which should be made by the united forces in the Indies of Castile.
4. Navigation and trade between both allies should be open and free and the king should impose no higher customs upon Dutch goods than did his predecessors.
5. The ambassador should take from the United Netherlands a certain number of officers, engineers, etc., at the expense of the Portuguese crown.
These proposals were not pleasing to the great companies. The West India Company was unwilling to restore Brazil to Portugal or to grant Portugal the benefit of a truce. The East India Company considered that if a truce were to be proclaimed, it must only be after a delay. Next to the continuance of the war the companies preferred a peace. A truce was the least desired alternative. The States of Holland, influenced by the remon strances of the East India Company, proposed a truce in Europe only, until information should be received as to conditions in the East. The inland provinces, the Prince of Orange and the Council of State, being more concerned about the European land campaign, acknowledged that the interests of the trading companies must be considered, but were anxious to conclude an alliance as speedily as possible. They argued that the Portuguese, if refused aid by the Dutch, would seek help from France and England, and that these powers would then be induced "to mix in the Indian trade".
Holland and Zeeland desired that the Portuguese ambassador should accept, with certain modifications, the articles drawn up by the trading companies for securing their interests; and to this the States General agreed.6
News of the conclusion of a treaty between Portugal and France expedited the negotiations at the Hague; for the Dutch did not wish Portugal to con sider the French more friendly than themselves.7 On June 12 the treaty was signed.
The first article stipulated a ten years' truce on both sides of the Line, to go into effect immediately after the conclusion of the treaty in Europe and outside the limits of the East and West India companies. Articles 2-7, which refer to the East India Company, provided, among other things, that within the limits of this company the truce should begin one year after the Portuguese ratification reached the Hague, or whenever notification of the truce was received. East Indian rulers, friends of the States General, or of the company, should be included in the truce. Subjects of either party might
6 Ibid., III. ( 5), 311.
7 Ibid., III. ( 5), 312.
sail to, trade in, and possess lands in the East Indies, as at the time of the publication of the truce, without being molested by subjects of the other power. Articles 8-23, which were identical with those concluded between the Dutch West India Company and the Portuguese ambassador,8 provided, in essentials, as follows: Within the limits of the company the truce should have effect for ten years: but the Portuguese ambassador promised that within a specified period the King of Portugal would send one or more plenipotentiaries to treat for peace. During the truce the Dutch and Portu guese should aid each other, and places and persons in Brazil favoring Castile should be regarded as common enemies; subjects of both parties should remain in possession of their goods; the company should not import Brazilian products into Portugal; nor the Portuguese import them into the United Netherlands. In Brazil the Portuguese should not trade in or frequent the dominions of the Dutch, or vice versa. The Portuguese in sailing to, or trading in Brazil, were not to use the ships of any foreign nation except the Dutch; neither Portuguese nor Dutch should send any ships, negroes, or merchandise to the Castilian Indies or to other places which had sided with the Castilians. The Portuguese and Dutch possessions on the coasts of Africa need not be delimited; these coasts were to be open to both nations on condi tion that each should trade only near the towns or forts of the other. The remaining articles stipulated, mainly, that conquests subsequently made in the Castilian West Indies should be divided or enjoyed by common consent; that all inhabitants of either nation might visit and traffic in any kind of merchandise in the territories of either power situated in Europe, or else where north of the Line, without paying greater duties than the inhabitants of the country visited, and with the privileges enjoyed before Portugal was subjected to Castile; that Christian subjects of the United Provinces in Portuguese territories on either side of the Line should enjoy liberty of conscience in their houses and free exercise of their religion on their ships; that a Portuguese-Dutch fleet should be employed on the coasts of Portugal and Spain against the common enemy, and prizes divided pro rata; that the King of Portugal might enroll officers and engineers in the Provinces; that the houses of Dutch merchants in Portuguese territories in Europe should not be forcibly entered, or their letters or accounts examined; and that each power might appoint consuls to the ports of the other in Europe.
On the day after the conclusion of the truce, the States General proclaimed all immediate suspension of arms in accordance with its provisions, i. e., outside the limits of the two India companies.9 The ratification by Portugal, dated November 18, 1641, did not reach the United Provinces till the follow ing February, when the Dutch ratification of the truce, although opposed by
8 Aitzema, op. cit., II. 755 ff.
9 Groot Placaet-Boeck van de Staten Generael ( 1658- 1796), vol. I., cols. 127-128; Mercure François, XXIV. ( 1647) 259.
Holland and Zeeland, was sanctioned by the States General.10 The delay in ratification bad given the Dutch companies an opportunity to continue their conquests at the expense of the Portuguese. In pursuance of suggestions received from the West India Company, Dutch forces took possession of Saint Paul de Loanda, the chief town in Angola, of the island of St. Thomas, off the African coast, and of the captaincy of Maranhão in Brazil.11 In vain did Portuguese ambassadors reiterate their demands for the restitution of these places,12 but what Portuguese diplomacy failed to achieve, native uprisings, backed to some extent by the Portuguese government, brought to pass. Before the end of 1648, the Dutch had lost to the Portuguese their abovementioned conquests in Africa, and all they had held in Brazil except the Recife (Pernambuco) and three forts.13 In 1654 these also capitulated to the Portuguese. Thus Portuguese independence, at first welcomed by the Dutch as a blow struck at Spain, soon proved an important cause of the decline and ultimate ruin of the fortunes of the Dutch West India Company.
Text: MS. Original manuscripts of the protocol and of two ratifications by the King of Portugal, one in Latin and the other in Portuguese, are in the Rijksarchief at the Hague, Secrete Casse, casse B, loquet R. An original manuscript of the protocol is mentioned by J. F. Borges de Castro , Collecção dos Tratados de Portugal desde 1640 ( 1856- 1858), I. 24, as in the Torre do Tombo.
Text: Printed. De Castro, op. cit., I. 24-49; J. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique ( 1726- 1731), tom. VI., pt. I., pp. 215-218; J. A. de Abreu y Bertodano, Coleccion de los Tratados de España: Reynado de Phelipe IV. ( 1744- 1751), III. 581-598; J. Le Clerc, Négociations Secrètes de Munster et d'Osnaburg ( 1725- 1726), IV. 520-530.
Translations: French. J. Le Clerc, Négociations Secrètes, loc. cit. Dutch. Groot Placaet-Boeck van de Staten Generael ( 1658- 1796), I., cols. 118- 126; L. van Aitzema, Saken van Staet en Oorlogh ( 1669- 1672), II. 756-760, VI. ( 2), Vrede-handeling, pp. 149-152. Portuguese. De Castro , loc. cit.; C. Calvo, Recueil Complet des Traités ( 1862- 1866), I. 54-66. Spanish. Abreu y Bertodano, loc. cit.
References: Contemporary and early writings. Don Luiz de conde da Ericeira Menezes , Historia de Portugal Restaurado ( 1st ed., 1679- 1698; 3d ed., 1751, tom. I., Pt. I., liv. III.); L. van Aitzema, op. cit., II. 753-759, 831, 832 , 865, 866, 892, 922, 923.
References: Later writings. J. P. Arendet al., Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands ( 1840, etc.), III. ( 5), 299-213; P. M. Netscher, Les Hol landais au Brésil ( 1853), pp. 122 ff.; L. A. Rebello da Silva, Historia de Portugal nos Seculos XVII. e XVIII. ( 1860- 1871), IV. 284, 304-310;
10 Netscher, Les Hollatidais au Brésil, p. 124; Aitzema, op. cit., II. 831, 832.
11 Netscher, op. cit., pp. 119 ff.
12 Aitzema, op. cit., II. 832 ff., 892, 922, 923.
13 Netscher, op. cit., pp. 157-159.
H. Schäfer, Geschichte von Portugal ( 1836- 1854), IV. 517-522, in Heeren and Ukert, Geschichte der Europäischen Staaten. For the his tory of Portuguese-Dutch relations in the colonies about the year 1641, see Ch. de Lannoy and H. Vander Linden, Histoire de l'Expansion Coloniale: Portugal et Espagne ( 1907), pp. 74-77; and id., Histoire de l'Expansion Coloniale: Néerlande et Danemark ( 1911), pp. 95 ff., 100 ff., 121 ff.
Joannes, Dei gratia rex Portugaliae et Algarbiorum citra ultraque mare in Africa, dominus Guineae, atque expugnationis, navigationis, et commercii Aethiopiae, Arabiae, Persiae, et Indiuae, etc. Notum facimus omnibus prae sentes nostras litteras patentes, approbationis, ratihabitionis, et confirmationis visuris et inspecturis, quoniam die duodecima elapsi mensis Junii, praesentis anni millesimi sexcentesimi quadragesimi primi, Hagae-Comitis in Hollandia, tractatus induciarum, cessationisque omnis hostilitatis actus, ut et navigationis et commercii, factus, initus, et conclusus fuerit decennio, pariterque succursus pro tempore, inter Tristam de Mendoça Furtado, consiliarium, legatum, et procuratorem nostrum destinatum ab una parte, et, ab altera, magnificos et illustres Rutgher Huyghens, J.15 Van Brouchoiven, Cats, Gs. van Vos berghen, Joan van Reede, J. van Veltdriel, Van Haersolte, Vigbole Aldringa, commissarios deputatos Potentissimorum Ordinum Generalium Unitarum Provinciarum Belgii, vigore eorundem procurationis, cujus tractatus tenor de verbo ad verbum hic inscribitur:
Tractatus induciarum et cessationis omnis hostilitatis actus, ut et naviga tionis ac commercii pariterque succursus, inter Serenissimum ac Praepo tentem Dominum Joannem, ejus nominis Quartum, Lusitaniae, Algarbiae ab hac atque altera parte maris Africae Regem, dominum in Guinea, atque acquisitionis, navigationis et commercii in Aethiopia, Arabia, Persia, ac India, etc. ab una, et Dominos Ordines Generales Unitarum Provinciarum ab altera parte factus, initus et conclusus per Dominum Tristão de Mendoça Furtado, legatum ac consiliarium Serenissimae Majestatis, et Dominos Rutgerum Huygens, equitem, Jacobum à Brouchoven, ex-consulem urbis Lugduni Batavorum, Jacobum Cats, equitem, consiliarium, pensionarium Hollandiae et Frisiae Occidentalis, Casparem a Vosbergen, equitem, dominum de Isselaer, Joannem a Reede, dominum de Renswoude et Thiens, dominum de Woudenberch, Joannem Veltdriel, consulem urbis Doccum, Assuerum ab Haersolte, Haerstii ac Echde, satrapam Zallandiae, Wigboldum Aldringa, senatorem civitatis Groninganae, toparcham Sybaldebueri, respectivè depu tatos in consessu alte-memoratorum Dominorum Statuum Generalium ex Provinciis Geldriae, Hollandiae, Zelandiae, Ultrajecti, Frisiae, Trans Isula niae, ac Urbis Groningae atque Omlandiae, commissarios eorumdem Dominorum Ordinum Generalium, nempe inter memoratum dominum legatum, vigore certi rescripti regii, certarumque litterarum Serenissimae Majestatis, utrumque de dato Lisbon xxi° Januarii jampridem elapsi, et memoratos dominos commissarios, vigore eorundem procurationis, quorum copiae, eorundemque translata respectivè hic infra inserentur.
14 From the original manuscript of the Portuguese ratification preserved at the Rijksarchief at the Hague, Secrete Casse, casse B, loquet R.
15 In manuscript, P.
Experientia docuit quod Don Philippus Secundus, Castellae Rex, vi et potentia armorum quondam invaserit coronam Lusitaniae, et consequenter privaverit Serenissimum Praepotentemque Regem Don Joannem (olim Ducem de Bragança) indubitabili suo successionis jure et justitia in alte memoratam coronam Lusitaniae, tanquam legitimum et proximum haeredem Serenissimae Dominae D. Catarinae, ac continuarunt successores praedicti Regis Castellae, multis contiguis annis, in violenta occupatione alte-memo ratae coronae Lusitaniae, infringentes foedera et pacta amicitiae, confi dentiae, et commercii, quae Domini Reges coronae Lusitaniae continue cum aliis principibus ac nationibus in Europa sancte coluerant, deorbantes bonos subditos et vassallos ejusdem coronae eorum juribus, legibus, et consuetu dinibus, insuperque eos onerantes injustitia, intolerabilibus vexationibus, et diversis aliis speciebus tyrannidis, injungentes illis excessiva onera, quae Reges Castellae simulac cum patrimonio regiae coronae Lusitaniae dilapi darunt et consumpserunt evitabilibus bellis. Quibus praedicti boni subditi et vassalli ejus coronae ita stimulati atque iracundia mactati, tandem, haud levi habita patientia, magno cum animo, ausu, et circumspectione, injustum illud ac intolerabile jugum Regis Castellae excusserunt, ac semetipsos libertati restituerunt, demumque, communi applausu, saepius alte-memoratum Joannem Quartum regem elegerunt, proclamarunt, eique homagium ac jus jurandum fidelitatis praestiterunt. Praepotentes Domini Ordines Generales, quoque passive pro comperto habentes intolerabilem tyrannidem et perdura onera praefati Castellae Regis, pariterque ejusdem nefarium institutum ad consequendam monarchiam multo saeculo jam super universa Europa jactatam, in commodum boni publici dijudicarunt expedire laudabili ac honesto jam alte-meniorati Regis Joannis Quarti proposito succurere, cumque eodem inire et consummare praesens hoc pactum et tractatum; nec non praetermittere varias et diversas commoditates, quas alias pro proprio par ticulari commodo atque utilitate, nacto hoc rerum statu, tam citra quam ultra lineam possent usu capere et percipere, maluntque eorum loco, ut reviviscat vetus illa amicitia, amor reciprocus, ac commercium, quae inter Dominos Reges coronae Lusitaniae ac Belgas ultro citroque antiquitus floruerunt.
I. Primo, conclusum est verum, firmum, sincerum, ac inviolabile in duciarum pactum cessationisque omnis hostilitatis actus inter alte-memo ratum Regem et Ordines Generales, tam mari aliisque aquis quam terra, intuitu omnium subditorum atque incolarum Unitarum Provinciarum, cujuscumque conditionis illi fuerint, citra exceptionem locorum persona rumve, ut et pariter intuitu omnium subditorum atque incolarum regionum alte-memorati regis, cujuscunque conditionis fuerint, citra exceptionem locorum personarumve quae partes Serenissimae Majestatis adversus Regem Castellae tuentur, aut inposterum tueri reperientur, idque omnibus in locis et maribus ab utraque parte lineae juxta conditiones et restrictiones hic infra respective explicatas, tempore decennii. Quod induciarum pactum cessationisque omnis hostilitatis actus in Europae plagis, ac alicunde sitis, extra limites respective privilegiorum, societatibus Indiarum Orientalium atque Occidentalium ante hac nomine hujus status respective concessorum, statim facta substrictione hujus tractatus, ordietur.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8. Saepius dictae induciae ac cessatio omnis hostilitatis actus effectum sortiantur tempore decennii in locis et maribus pertinentibus sub districtu privilegii a Dominis Ordinibus Generalibus Societati Indiae Occidentalis harum Provinciarum concessi, a dato cum ratihabitio super hoc tractatu nomine Regis Lusitaniae hic loci fuerit oblata, et publica manifestatio prae dictarum induciarum cessationisque omnis hostilitatis actus porro alicubi praenominatorum locorum ac marium respective pervenerit, a quo tempore utraque pars in istiusmodi locis et maribus respective sese cohibeat ab omni hostilitatis actu. Ita tamen, ut intra16 octo menses, postquam praedicta ratihabitio hic loci fuerit allata, conveniendum sit cum corona Lusitaniae de pace in saepius dictis locis et maribus, pertinentibus sub districtu privilegii Societatis Indiae Occidentalis harum Provinciarum, ad quae Dominus Tristão de Mendoça Furtado, legatus et consiliarius Regiae Majestatis Lusitaniae, hisce pollicetur, ut intra praedictos octo menses post praefatam ratihabi tionem Regiae Serenissimae Majestatis hic loci oblatam, quoque obveniant necessarium mandatum, ordo, ac instructio pariterque persona aut personae autoritate regia munitae, ad tractandum de praedicta pace; attamen, si in eventum contra omnem expectationem pacis conditio non iniretur, ut, eo non obstante saepiusdictae17 induciae cessatioque omnis hostilitatis actus, tempore decennii, modo praemisso18 et juxta articulos infra explicatos, plenum effectum sortiantur.19
9. Societas Indiae Occidentalis harum Provinciarum, ut et subditi ac incolae ejusdem terrarum acquisitarum, nec non omnes illi inde dependentes, cujuscunque nationis, conditionis, aut religionis sint, gaudeant et fruantur in singulis terris et locis Regis Lusitaniae, ac ad eandem coronam spectantibus, in Europa sitis, hujusmodi commercio, exemptionibus, libertatibus, et juribus, quibus reliqui subditi hujus status, vigore hujus tractatus, gaudebunt et fruentur. Hac tamen conditione, ne Societas Indiae Occidentalis harum Provinciarum, ut et subditi ac incolae in ejusdem terris acquisitis, sicut pariter omnes reliqui ab illa dependentes conentur ex Brasilia transferre ad regnum Lusitaniae saccharum, lignum Brasilicum ac alias merces in Brasilia exist entes et provenientes; sicut pariter nec Lusitanica natio, ut et subditi ac incolae in ejusdem terris acquisitis, nec minus ab ea dependentes, conabuntur ex Brasilia transferre intra has Provincias et regiones saccharum, li[g]num Brasilicum, aliasque merces in Brasilia existentes et provenientes.20
10. Natio Belgica ut et Lusitanica, durantibus induciis et cessatione omnis hostilitatis actus, sibi invicem succurrent atque opem ferent, pro virili, cum occasio et status rerum illud postulaverit.
11. Omnia fortalitia, urbes, naves et particulares personae, sive sint Lusitani aut alii, in Brasilia vel aliorsum sita et reperti, qui partes Regis Castellae fovent, aut postmodum in eorum potestatem redigentur, non aliter respicientur ac reputabuntur quam communes hostes, quos adoriri, prosequi, ac vincere cuilibet parti licitum sit, nullo habito respectu limitum. Hoc attento, si qua alterutra pars ejusmodi loca aut fortalitia occuparet, illi quoque cedat jurisdictionis et latorum camporum ambitus et reliqua emolu menta antiquitus his annexa, non obstante talia loca et fortalitia (ut supra dictum est) in alterius limitum districtum sortiantur.
16 In MS. ultra.
17 In MS. saepius induciae dictae.
18 In MS. permisso.
19 A treaty of peace was not concluded until Aug. 6, 1661. Borges de Castro, Col lecção dos Tratados, I. 260-293.
20 In 1638 the Dutch West India Company threw open the Brazilian trade, except in regard to slaves, munitions of war, and dye-wood, and permitted those Portuguese resi dent in Brazil to export their products into Holland. Netscher, op. cit., pp. 93, 94.
The regulation is printed in E. Luzac, Hollands Rijkdom ( 1780- 1783), II. 260-265.
12. Quilibet utriusque partis subditorum relinquetur ac remanebit in bonis suis uti illa tempore manifestationis induciarum et cessationis omnis hostili tatis actus tum deprehendentur, et lati campi inter utriusque partis extrema fortalitia siti (qui necessario inde intelligendi sunt pro acquisitis ac eorum dominio vindicatis) utrinque divisi exstabunt, sub his comprehendendo gentes et nationes sub iisdem sortientes; quibus finibus modo praemisso positis et statutis, Lusitanicae nationi ab illa, et subditis hartum Provinciarum ab hac parte, cotistabit, quae loca, commoditates, et ambitus latorum camporum, quilibet pro suis agnoscat et tueatur.
13. Quod vero attinet particularium proprietates ac possessiones, quae sub praedicta divisione ad unam vel alteram partem pertinebunt, de his forsitan nonnulla loca exstabunt derelicta et populata, alia vero culta ac gente instructa. At vero quod spectat loca, quorum incolae et proprietarii sese ad hanc vel alteram partem recepisse deprehendentur, exinde nulla omnino restitutio fiet, neque illorum mobilium ibidem relictorum et repertorum, sed quilibet eo contentus vivat oportet, quod ex derelictis locis secum asportavit et abstulit.
14. Attamen in dictis locis et terris, quae suis proprietariis, aut aliis possessoribus eorum nomine et parte remanserunt, illis utrinque cognita causa, jus suum et possessio asservabitur, visis prius eorum necessariis documentis et probationibus.
15. Super quibus utriusque partis regimen in suo cujusque districtu respec tive disponat, pro ut videbitur convenire, non concesso, ut alius quispiam his sese immisceat.
16. Comniercia ad utriusque partis ditiones, tractus, et ambitus locorum in Brasilia,21 quaelibet sibi ipsis relinquantur, exclusis omnibus aliis, nec ipsis Lusitanis fas esto hujus status, neve subditis hujus status Lusitanorum ditiones, tractus, et ambitus locorum frequentare, nisi communi voluntate et consensu postmodum aliud visum fuerit convenire.
17. Ne permissum sit Lusitanis in Brasiliam navigare, commercari, aut mercaturam exercere cum navibus alienae nationis, aut cum ipsissimis nationibus extraneis, sed indigentes aliquibus extraneis navibus ad naviga tionem, mercaturam, et commercium in Brasiliam tenebuntur illi tales con ducere, aut emere a subditis harum Provinciarum,22 quo casu emptionis vel conductionis, nullae minores naves in Brasiliam aptentur ac impendantur quam centum et triginta onerum, aut ducentorum et sexaginta vasorum, munitae ad minimum sedecim tormentis (alias Gotelingem) vibrantibus singulatim quinque aut sex libras ferri respective, munitioneque belli provisae secundum proportionem, et quando majores naves a Lusitanis in Brasitiatil conducentur atque ementur, ac deinceps applicabuntur, ut supra, tum illae
21 The English were alarmed at the retention by the Dutch of direct trade with Brazil, while they themselves were obliged to "fetch the compass". V. M. Shillington and A. B. Wallis Chapman, The Commercial Relations of England and Portugal, p. 181.
22 Upon learning of the foregoing clause, the English regarded it as so prejudicial to their own merchants that they suspended the negotiations then in progress for a treaty between England and Portugal. See Cal. St. Pap., Dom., 1641- 1643, pp. 37, 40, 47, 49; and especially the letter from Philip Burlamachi to Sommelsdyck in G. Groen van Prinsterer , Archives, 2d sér., III. 481, 482. When the treaty was finally concluded, on Jan. 29, 1642, it was provided (art. 16) that within two years both parties should appoint and send commissioners or ambassadors to treat and agree "concerning freighting of the ships of the subjects of the Most Renowned King of Great Britain by the Portugals, for their commerce and navigation into Brazil". British and Foreign State Papers, vol. I., pt. I., p. 478.
secundum proportionem onerum tanto plus muniantur et provideantur, et hoc omne sub poena amissionis et confiscationis praedictarum navium una cum earum requisitis, quae alias, ut antea, cedant commodo Societatis Indiae Occidentalis, harum Provinciarum, aut vero eorum, qui ab ea dependent vel appendent, si qua illae ab his forte deprehenderentur et caperentur.
18. Neque Lusitanis neque incolis harum Provinciarum liceat ullam navium, nigrorum, mercium, aliorumve necessariorum vecturam praestare Indiis Castellanorum aliisque locis ab eorumdem parte stantibus sub poena amittendae navis et bonorum, pariterque personae quae in ibi reperientur ut hostes apprehendentur et tractabuntur.23
19. Illud, quidquid tam Lusitani quam subditi harum Provinciarum in oris Africae possident, nulla indiget limitum divisione, cum inter utrumque diversae gentes et nationes sortiantur, quae finium limites statuunt et dividunt.
20. Quod vero attinet negotiationem et frequentationem earundem orarum, Insulae S. Thomae, aliarumque insularum, hisce comprehensarum, ea utriique libera sit; hac tamen conditione, si eadem navigatio et commercium, sive illud sit auri, nigrorum, aliarumque mercium, quomodolibet illa nuncupanda veniunt, fiat, et destinata sint in vel circa urbes et fortalitia quae forte alteruter occupat et possidet, ut inde pendantur eadem vectigalia et jura quibus consueverunt incolae Lusitani ac eorundem locorum liberi homines exsolvere, et viceversa.24
21. Et quia Ordines Generales sua dominia et terras in Brasilia aliisque locis propria virtute acquisiverint eo tempore quo eorum subditi atque incolae ad huc exstarent vassalli et subjecti Regis Castellae et hujus status hostes, cujusmodi naturae et sortis illi fuerunt qui modo ibidem ad obsequium Regis Lusitaniae redierunt, amicosue et foederatos huic statui sese dederunt, ex
23 The King of Spain also forbade his subjects to trade with the Portuguese. Through out the decade the Spanish Indies suffered from the interruption of the slave-trade. In 1642 two British merchants offered to supply them with negroes, but the proposal was rejected. G. Scelle, La Traite Négrière, I. 482 ff.
24 In regard to the African trade the Portuguese agreed with the English, by the treaty of Jan. 29, 1642, as follows (Art. 13) : "And because the commerce and free coming of the subjects of the King of Great Britain to the coasts and parts of Africa, the island of St. Thomas and other islands comprehended tinder them, could not yet be agreed on by reason of the defect of the powers sent by the Most Renowned King of Portugal to his ambassadors, that by this debate this present treaty of peace and amity between both kings and their subjects be not delayed, it is on both parts concluded on, that in the lands, places, castles, ports, and coasts of Africa, Guinea, Bine, etc., the island of St. Thomas and other islands comprehended under them, wherein it shall appear that the subjects of Great Britain have dwelt for trade of merchandise, or have had trade or commerce there in the time of the Kings of Castile, or hitherto, there shall be no alteration or change, neither shall they have any trouble or injury done them by the Portugals for that cause. And if any customs be to be demanded from the subjects of the King of Great Britain, on any cause, in the castles, islands, and places aforesaid, they shall not be greater or more grievous than those which shall be demanded from other nations in league with the King of Portugal; and the subjects of the King of Portugal wanting foreign ships for their navigation and commerce to the coasts and islands aforesaid, may freely, at their own pleasure, hire the ships of the subjects of the King of Great Britain: and that commissioners and ambassadors shall be named by both kings, who shall treat and conclude concerning the commerce and free coming to the coasts, islands, and places aforesaid, which hath been demanded by the com missioners of the King of Great Britain, for the subjects of their king; being persuaded, out of the confidence of the ancient amity which hath been between the predecessors of the same kings, that the most renowned King of Portugal will grant to no nation more ample rights, immunities, and privileges, than he will grant unto the subjects of the Kitig of Great Britain." British and Foreign State Papers, loc. cit., pp. 477, 478.
quo in futurum utrinque durabile foedus et sincera confidentia patet, simul ac alter alteri inposterum justa praestandae justitiae administratione rite tenebitur.
22. Ita vero comparatum est, ut cum, mutatione quae in multifariis pro prietatibus et possessionibus mobilium atque immobilium bonorum extitit (solummodo per calamitatem molesti belli), diversi modi subditi sub et post initium ad obsequium hujus status harum Provinciarum devenerint, quorum pars ad incitas redacta, pars diffusa sunt; ac cum plurimi Belgae ibidem per emptionem dominiorum, vulgo nuncupatorum ingenhos, aliorumque bonorum immobilium, sedem fixerint, ratio status rerum inibi acquisitarum nullo modo ferre potest, ut ulla bona, jure postliminii vel quasi, repetantur aut revertantur, neque ut subditi Dominorum Ordinum Generalium a Lusitanis, neque Lusitaiii ab subditis harum Provinciarum ulla debita aliave onera exigant, multominus ut talia consequantur, conveniat executionis via uti, sed quilibet salvus remanebit, uti possidet tempore dictae manifestationis.
23. Subditi atque incolae ditionum altememorati Regis Joannis Quarti et Dominorum Ordinum respective, durantibus decennii induciis et cessatione omnis hostilitatis actus, mutua confidentia amicitiam colent sine ulla recorda tione offensionum et damnorum, quae olim perpessi sunt.
24. Et si forte postmodum, unanimi ac mutuo consensu, sedes belli in India Occidentali Castilianorum transferretur, atque incenso bello ibidem quidquam ad detrimentum communis hostis acquiriretur, tum illud distribuendo, permu tando, et fruendo amice et communi consensu, ut praemissum est, conveni endum erit, sicut pariter durantibus saepe memoratis induciis et cessatione omnis hostilitatis actus, permissum esto utriusque partis communi consensu atque applausu praedictos articulos, aut partem eorum immutare.
25. Et liberum esto utriusque partis subditos, cujuscunque nationis, con ditionis, qualitatis, et religionis, nullis exceptis (sive illi in alterutrius ditione nati sint, sive inibi habitasse dicantur) frequentare, navigare, et commercari qualibet mercium et mercaturae sorte in regnis, provinciis, terri toriis, et insulis respective in Europa atque aliorsum ab hac lineae parte sitis.25 Nec fas esto neutrius subditos mercandi gratia confluentes in alterius terris, sitis ut supra, in mercibus asportandis, aut vero exportandis magis aggravare gabellis, impositionibus, aliisve juribus, quam ipsissimos incolas et subditos earundem terrarum, sed gaudeant pariter respective hujusmodi indultis et privilegiis, quibus antehac illi usi sunt, priusquam Lusitaiiia Castilianis fuerit subacta.
26. Subditi ac incolae harum Provinciarum qui Christiani sunt, in omnibus locis, urbibus, et territoriis etiamque provinciis ac insulis regni Lusitaniae aut ab eo appendentibus et dependentibus, sive illud sit ab utraque parte Iiiieac, tam in Europa quam extra, ubi frequentandi locus datur, utentur et fruentur libertate conscientiae in domubus suis privatis, ac intra naves libera religionis exercitio; si vero legatus aut alius publicus hujus status minister in Lusi taniam forte mitteretur, tum illi respective utentur et fruentur in aedibus suis et domiciliis hujusmodi libertate ac religionis exercitio, sicuti in hoc statu praesenti domino legato Lusitaniae permittitur.
25 This provision did not affect Brazil, where all the captaincies lay to the south of the equator; nor did it alter the commercial status of New Netherland, since in 1638 the Amsterdam Chamber had opened the trade of that colony to "all inhabitants of the United Provinces and of friendly countries". J. B. Brodhead, History of the State of New York, I. 288.
27. Domini Ordines Generales, non expectata Serenissimae Majestatis ratihabitione ad hunc tractatum, proprio suo sumptu adsistent regi ac coronae Lusitaniae sub idoneo archithalasso, aliisque necessariis suis officiariis, quindecim navibus bellicis et quinque scaphis majoribus, bene munitis ac instructis, provisis de victu, etiamque tormentis ac aliis munitionibus belli.26
28. Ad hanc classem altememoratus Rex comparabit aut conducet Sere nissimae Majestatis, propriis sumptibus, et sub ejusdem proprio directorio, similem numerum quindecim navium bellicarum et quinque scapharum majorum, aeque bene munitarum, instructarum nautis et militibus, etiam provisarum de victu, tormentis, et aliis belli munitionibus, ut conjunctim una cum navibus et scaphis majoribus harum Provinciarum impendantur ad littora atque oras Lusitaniae et Hispaniae respective, ad detrimentum Regis Castellae communis hostis.
29. Rex Lusitaniae propriis suis expensis instruat decem aut plures galeones in Lusitania, easque adjungat supradictae classi, ut conjunctim impendantur adversus Castellae Regem ejusque subditos.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
31. Praedarum aliorumque emolumentorum virtute praedictae classis et galeonum acquisitorum, erit partitio et distributio pro rata, juxta numerum corporum navium, idque ad praeveniendum ac evitandum disputandi diversi tatem, quae alias ex divisione praedarum aliorumque bonorum, aut horum occasione ob certos respectus resultaret.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
35. Hic tractatus confirmabitur et ratihabebitur per Regem Lusitaniae et Dominos Ordines Generales respective in solita atque optima forma, uti par est, infra tres27 menses, incipientes a dato hujus, et praestabitur idem ab utraque parte candide ac sincere, et deinceps, quando Serenissimae Majestatis ratihabitio hic Hagae intra praedictum tempus fuerit oblata, tum eadem cum altememoratorum Dominorum Ordinum Generalium ratihabitione mutabitur et transsumetur.
[Here follow the full powers granted by the King of Portugal to his ambassador on January 6, 1641, and by the States General to their ambassa dors on June 9, 1641; also a letter from the King of Portugal to the States General, dated January 6, 1641.]
Et nos, legatus ac commissarii praedicti, hunc tractatum propriis nostris manibus subsignavimus, eundemque nostris signetis munivimus.
Actum Hagae Comitis die duodecima Junii, anno millesimo sexcentesimo quadragesimo primo. Tristão de Mendoça Furtado. Ruthger Huÿghens. J. van Brouchoven. Cats. J.28 Van Vosberghen. Joan van Reede. J. Van Veltdriel. J.28 van Haersolte. Wigbo[l]t Aldringa.
Proinde nos, praefatum tractatum induciarum, cessationisque omnis hos tilitatis actus pariterque succursus pro tempore, acceptum ferentes, eundem
26 The Dutch fleet, under Admiral Gijsels, reached Lisbon in the autumn of 1641 and returned to the Provinces in January of the following year, having failed to intercept the West Indian fleet or to gain any glory from a combat with a Spanish squadron near Cape St. Vincent. On account of the ill-feeling that soon arose between the Dutch and Portuguese, the fleet was not sent again to Lisbon. Arend, op. cit., III. (5), 313, 334, 372, 373; Aitzema, op. cit., II. 831; C. Fernández Duro, Armada Española, IV. 269-273.
27 In MS. ter.
acceptavimus, approbavimus, ratihabuimus, et confirmavimus, sicut eundem
acceptamus, approbamus, ratihabemus, et confirmamus per praesentes litteras,
spondentes nos omnia inviolabiliter observaturos, servaturos, et
neve admissuros ut ullo modo quomodolibet id accidat, aut accidere poterit, per directum vel indirectum, huic fiat contradictio aut contrarium, sub hypotheca atque obligatione omnium bonarum et proventuum, generalium et specialium, praesentium et futurorum, nostrorum regnorum, statuum, et regiae coronae, tantumodo declarantis quod ad certiorem ac promptiorem executionem illius quod in articulo 26 continetur circa exercitionem religionis, quae a subditis et incolis dictarum Provinciarum Unitarum profitetur, cum sit materia quae sub regia jurisdictione saeculari, qua utimur, non compre hendetur, recursum faciemus ad Sanctissimum Patrem Urbanum papam Octavum, ut cum approbatione et consensu ejusdem stabiliatur et confirmetur; et interea subditi et incolae dictarum Provinciarum Unitarum in omnibus regnis, statibus, et dominiis nostris, tanta fruentur benevolentia et favore, ut ex dicta causa conscientiae et religionis omnimodo non molestentur, vel inquietentur, ubi scandalum non dederint. Ad quorum firmitatem et stabili tatem praesentes litteras aparari jussimus, nostra propria manu inscriptas, et majori sigillo regii nostri stemmatis roboratas. Datae fuerunt Olisippone die duodecima (sic) octava Novembris. Joannes Suarez de Brito fecit, anno nativitatis Dominicae millesimo sexcentesimo quadragesimo primo. Et ego, Franciscus de Lucena, Sacrae Regiae Magestatis a consiliis atque status secretarius inscribere feci.
John, by the grace of God king of Portugal and of the Algarves on this side and beyond the sea in Africa, lord of Guinea, and of the conquest, navi gation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, etc. Be it known to all who shall see and inspect our present letters patent of approval, ratification, and confirmation, that on the twelfth day of the past month of June, of the present year, 1641, at the Hague in Holland, a treaty of truce and suspension of all hostilities, as well as of navigation and commerce, for ten years, and likewise of aid for that time, was made, entered into, and con cluded between Tristão de Mendoça Furtado, our councillor, ambassador, and representative appointed on the one side, and, on the other side, the dis tinguished and illustrious Rutger Huyghens, J. van Brouchoven, [J.] Cats, Gaspar van Vosbergen, Johan van Reede, J. van Veltdriel, van Haersolte, and Wigbold Aldringa, deputy commissioners of the High and Mighty States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, by virtue of their powers. The tenor of this treaty, word for word, is as follows :
Treaty of truce and suspension of all hostilities, as well as of navigation, commerce, and likewise of aid, between the Most Serene and Very Powerful Dom John, the fourth of his name, king of Portugal, of the Algarve on this side of the sea and beyond the sea in Africa, lord of Guinea and of the con quests, navigation, and commerce in Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, etc., on the one part, and the Lords States General of the United Provinces on the other part, made, entered into, and concluded by Dom Tristão de Mendoça Furtado, ambassador and councillor of his Most Serene Majesty, and by the lords Rutger Huyghens, knight, Jacob van Broekhoven, ex burgomaster of the city of Leyden, Jacob Cats, knight, councillor-pensionary [Raadpensionaris] of Holland and West Friesland, Gaspar van Vosbergen, knight, lord of Issellaer, Johan van Reede, lord of Renswoude and Thiens, lord of Woudenberg, Johan Veltdriel, burgomaster of the city of Dokkum, Zweder van Haersolte, lord of Haerst and Echde, governor of Salland, Wigbold Aldringa, deputy from the state of Groningen, administrator of Sijbrandaburen, respectively deputies in the assembly of the aforesaid Lords the States General of the provinces of Gelderland, Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, and of the city of Groningen and of the Ommeland, commissioners of the said Lords the States General, [which treaty] was concluded between the aforesaid lord ambassador, by virtue of a certain royal rescript, and of certain letters-patent of his Most Serene Majesty, both dated in Lisbon on the 21 of January last past, and the aforesaid lords commissioners, by virtue of their powers, copies of which and their transla tions are, respectively, hereinafter inserted.
It is well known that formerly Don Philip Second, king of Castile, forcibly and by might of arms usurped the crown of Portugal and thereby deprived the Most Serene and Very Powerful King Dom John ( formerly Duke of Braganza), of his undoubted right and just claim to succeed to the said crown of Portugal as lawful and next heir of the Most Serene Lady Dona Catharine. The successors of the aforesaid King of Castile, moreover, continued for many consecutive years in forcible occupation of the aforesaid crown of Portugal, breaking the treaties and agreements of amity, trust, and commerce, which the lord kings of the crown of Portugal had always religi ously observed with the other princes and nations in Europe; depriving the good subjects and vassals of this crown of their rights, laws, and customs, besides oppressing them with injustice, intolerable annoyances, and tyranny of various kinds, and imposing excessive taxes upon them, which, together with the patrimony of the royal crown of Portugal, the kings of Castile squandered and consumed in avoidable wars. Having been thus tormented and wrathfully immolated, and having exercised no little patience, the afore said good subjects and vassals of this crown at length with great courage, enterprise, and foresight, shook off that unjust and intolerable yoke of the King of Castile, and restored themselves to freedom; and finally, by general consent, they chose and proclaimed king the aforesaid John IV., and rendered him homage and took the oath of fealty. Their High Mightinesses, the Lords States General, having also known by experience the intolerable tyranny and great oppression of the aforesaid King of Castile, and likewise his abominable purpose to attain to that monarchy which for many years he has boasted to have over all Europe, have deemed it in accordance with the public good to aid the praiseworthy and honorable purpose of the afore said King John IV., and to enter into and conclude with him the present agreement and treaty, and to overlook many and divers opportunities which, in the present state of affairs, they might otherwise seize and turn to their own particular profit and use, both on this side of and beyond the line, and in place of these they prefer that the old amity, reciprocal friendship, and trade, which of old flourished mutually between the kings of the crown of Portugal and the Netherlands shall be revived.
1. First, there is concluded between the aforesaid king and the States General for the space of ten years a true, firm, sincere, and inviolable truce and suspension of all acts of hostility, both by sea and other waters and by land, in respect to all the subjects and inhabitants of the United Provinces, of whatever condition they may be, without exception of places or persons; likewise in respect to all the subjects and inhabitants of the territories of the aforesaid king, of whatever condition they maybe, without exception of any places or persons, who now uphold, or in future shall be found to uphold, the party of his Most Serene Sacred Majesty against the King of Castile; and this [truce shall be observed] in all the places and seas on. both sides of the line, in conformity with the conditions and restrictions hereafter respectively set forth. This compact of truce and suspension of all hostilities shall go into effect immediately after the conclusion of this treaty, in the countries of Europe, and in those lying elsewhere, outside the limits of the charters previously granted in the name of this state to the East India and West India companies, respectively.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8. In the lands and seas pertaining to the district of the charter granted by the Lords States General to the West India Company of these Provinces, the aforementioned truce and suspension of all hostilities shall have effect for a period of ten years from the date when the ratification of this treaty, in the name of the King of Portugal, shall be brought to this place, and the public notification of the aforesaid truce and suspension of all hostilities shall moreover have arrived at any of the aforementioned places and seas respec tively. From that time both parties shall abstain from all acts of hostility in the said places and seas respectively; provided that within eight months after the aforesaid ratification shall have been presented in this place, an agreement shall be made with the crown of Portugal concerning peace in the aforementioned places and seas comprehended within the district of the char ter of the West India Company of these Provinces. To this end Dom Tristão de Mendoça Furtado, ambassador and councillor of His Royal Majesty of Portugal, promises by these presents, that within the aforesaid eight months after the aforesaid ratification of his Most Serene Royal Majesty has been presented here, the necessary power, order, and instruction shall come to treat of the aforesaid peace as well as a person or persons empowered by royal authority; and that if, contrary to all expectation, peace is not concluded, the aforesaid truce and suspension of all hostilities shall nevertheless have their full effect for the space of ten years, in the manner aforesaid and according to the articles set forth below.
9. The West India Company of these Provinces, as well as the subjects and inhabitants of its acquired lands, likewise all of its dependents, of whatever nation, condition, or religion they may be, shall have and enjoy in all the lands and places of the King of Portugal, and in those pertaining to that crown, situated in Europe, the same [rights of] commerce, exemptions, liberties, and rights, that the rest of the subjects of this state shall have and enjoy, by virtue of this treaty; under this condition, however, that the West India Company of these Provinces, as well as the subjects and inhabi tants in its acquired lands, likewise all the rest of its dependents, shall not attempt to bring from Brazil to the kingdom of Portugal, sugar, brazil-wood, or other commodities existing in and coming from Brazil; nor, similarly, shall the Portuguese nation, or the subjects and inhabitants of its acquired lands, or its dependents, attempt to bring from Brazil to these Provinces and regions, sugar, brazil-wood or other commodities existing in or coming from Brazil.
10. During the truce and suspension of all hostilities the Dutch and Portu guese nations shall mutually aid and assist each other, according to their ability, when occasion and the state of affairs shall demand it.
11. All the fortresses, cities, ships, and individuals, whether Portuguese or of other nationality, situated and found in Brazil or elsewhere, that favor the party of the King of Castile, or that shall, in future, be brought under its control, shall be held and reputed not otherwise than as common enemies, whom each party shall be permitted to attack, pursue, and overcome, without regard to limits. [This shall be] with this understanding, that if either of the two parties shall occupy any of the said places or fortresses, that party shall likewise acquire all the extent of the jurisdiction and open territory of that place or fortress, and the emoluments anciently annexed to it, notwith standing that such places and fortresses (as is aforesaid) are within the district of the limits of the other party.
12. All the subjects of both parties shall be left and shall remain in posses sion of their own goods just as they have them at the time of the notification of the truce and suspension of all hostilities; and the open districts lying between the furthest fortified places of each party (which therefore are necessarily to be understood as acquired and subject to their dominion), together with the tribes and nations dwelling in them, shall be divided between the two parties. These limits having been fixed and determined, in the afore said manner, the Portuguese nation, on the one hand, and the subjects of these Provinces, on the other hand, shall agree what places, commodities, and extent of the open country, each shall acknowledge and defend as his own.
13. As to that which relates to the goods and possessions of individual persons which by the aforesaid division shall pertain to one or the other party, some of these places will, perhaps, be abandoned and despoiled, and others cultivated and peopled. But as to the places whose inhabitants and proprietors shall be found to have passed to one or the other side, no resti tution at all shall be made thereafter, nor shall any restitution be made of the movable property left and found there, but each one shall have to content himself with that which he has carried off and taken away from the abandoned places.
14. Nevertheless in the said places and lands which have remained to their proprietors, or to other possessors holding in their name and on their behalf, their right and possession shall be preserved to both parties when the case has been investigated, and after the necessary documents and proofs have been examined.
15. In respect to these, the government of both parties, shall, respectively, dispose in their own districts, as shall seem most fitting, and neither party shall be permitted to interfere with the other.
16. Each party shall have exclusive trade to its dominions, districts, and regions in Brazil; nor shall the Portuguese be permitted to frequent the dominions of this state, nor shall the subjects of this state frequent the dominions of the Portuguese, unless hereafter, by common agreement and consent, some other provision should be found convenient.
17. The Portuguese shall not be permitted to sail to Brazil or trade or traffic in that province, with ships of a foreign nation or with foreign nations themselves, but if they need any foreign ships for navigating, trading and trafficking to Brazil, they shall be obliged to hire or buy them from the subjects of these Provinces. In this case (of buying or hiring) no smaller ships shall be equipped and employed to Brazil, than those of 130 lasts or 260 tons, protected by at least sixteen cannon (otherwise called Gotelingen [pedereros] ), each shooting iron balls of 5 or 6 pounds, respectively, and pro vided with munitions of war in proportion. And if greater ships shall be hired or bought by the Portuguese for Brazil, and afterwards employed as above, they shall be defended and provided with more, in proportion to their lasts. All this shall be done under penalty of the loss and confiscation of the afore said ships together with their armament, which if different from the above, shall go to the use of the West India Company of these Provinces, or of its dependents, if they should happen to surprise or seize any of them.
18. Neither the Portuguese nor the inhabitants of these Provinces shall be permitted to take any ships, negroes, merchandise, or other necessities, to the Indies of the Castilians, or to other places which side with them, under penalty of losing the ship and goods. Likewise, the persons found on board shall be seized and treated as enemies.
19. All that which the Portuguese and the subjects of these Provinces possess on the coasts of Africa needs no delimitation, since there are various peoples and nations between them who determine and form the limits.
20. As to what pertains to the navigation and frequenting of the said coasts and of the island of St. Thomas and other islands comprehended with them, it shall be free to both nations; but on this condition, that the said navigation and commerce, whether of gold, negroes, or other commodities, by whatever name they are called, shall be made and [the goods] directed to or near to the towns and forts which either nation happens to occupy and possess, in order that the same tolls and customs may be paid there as the Portuguese residents and the free men of these places are accustomed to pay; and vice versa.
21. And inasmuch as the States General have acquired by their own valor their dominions and lands in Brazil and other places, at a time when the subjects and inhabitants of these places were still vassals and subjects of the King of Castile and enemies of this state, which was the nature and condition of those who now, in the same place, have returned to the obedience of the King of Portugal, and have associated themselves to this State as friends and allies, whereby in the future a way will be open for a durable alliance and sincere correspondence on both sides, and at the same time each will henceforth be solemnly bound to treat the other with equitably administered justice :
22. Therefore, it has been agreed that since, through the alteration that has taken place in many properties and possessions of both movable and immov able goods (occasioned only by the misfortunes of this grievous war), various subjects, at and after its beginning, have passed to the obedience of this state of these Provinces, of whom a part were reduced to extremity and a part were dispersed; and since a great number of Dutchmen, by pur chase of estates, commonly called ingenhos, and of other immovable goods, have fixed their residence there, a regard for the [actual] status of property there acquired will nowise permit that any goods should be demanded back or restored under right or quasi-right of postliminy; nor that the subjects of the Lords States General should exact from the Portuguese, nor the Portu guese from the subjects of these provinces, any debts or other charges, much less may it be proper for them to press for such things by means of judicial prosecution; but each shall remain secure in the possession of that which he has at the time of the said notification.
23. During the ten years' truce and suspension of all hostilities, the sub jects and inhabitants of the dominions of the aforesaid King John IV. and those of the Lords States General, respectively, will cultivate friendship, with mutual confidence, forgetting the offenses and damages which they have formerly suffered.
24. And if, in future, by mutual common consent, the seat of war shall be transferred to the West Indies of the Castilians, and, after the outbreak of the war there, any conquests shall be made to the detriment of the common enemy, in that case, it shall be agreed to distribute, exchange, and enjoy them amicably, and with common consent, as is aforesaid; as, likewise, during the abovementioned truce and suspension of hostilities, it shall be permitted, with the common consent and approval of both parties, to alter the aforesaid articles or a part of them.
25. The subjects of both parties, of whatever nation, condition, quality, or religion they may be, without any exception (whether said to have been born in or to have dwelt in the jurisdiction of either of the two), may freely visit, sail to, and trade with any kind of wares and merchandise in, the king doms, provinces, lands, and islands respectively, situated in Europe or else where on this side of the line. It shall not be permitted that the subjects of either power who, for the sake of trading, resort to the lands of the other, situated as aforesaid, be burdened, in importing or exporting merchandise, with greater excise duties, imposts, or other taxes than the inhabitants and subjects of the said lands; but they shall, respectively, equally enjoy such favors and privileges, as they previously exercised, before Portugal was subjected to the Castilians.
26. The subjects and inhabitants of these Provinces, who are Christians, in all the places, cities, and territories, as well as in the provinces and islands, of the kingdom of Portugal, or in its dependencies, whether on this or on the other side of the Line, both in Europe and outside it, wherever they are permitted to go, shall have and enjoy liberty of conscience in their private houses, and free exercise of religion on board their ships; and if any ambassador or other public minister of this state shall happen to be sent to Portugal, they shall, in such case, respectively have and enjoy, in their houses and domiciles, such liberty and exercise of religion as is permitted in this state to the present lord ambassador of Portugal.
27. The Lords States General, without waiting for his Most Serene Majesty's ratification to this treaty, will, at their own expense, assist the king and crown of Portugal with fifteen ships of war and five frigates, under a suitable admiral and the other necessary officers, well armed and equipped, and provided with victuals, cannon, and other munitions of war.
28. For this fleet the aforesaid king will buy or hire at his Most Serene Majesty's own expense, and under his own command, the same number of fifteen ships of war and five frigates, equally well armed and equipped with sailors and soldiers, and provided with victuals, cannon, and other munitions of war, so that jointly with the ships and frigates of these Provinces they may be employed upon the coasts and shores of Portugal and Spain respec tively, to the injury of the King of Castile, the common enemy.
29. The King of Portugal shall, at his own expense, equip in Portugal ten or more galleons, and shall add them to the aforesaid fleet in order that they may be employed jointly against the King of Castile and his subjects.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
31. The prizes and other perquisites taken by the aforesaid fleet and galleons shall be divided and distributed pro rata, according to the number of the hulks of the ships, in order to prevent and avoid various disputes which other wise, for various reasons, might result from the division of the prizes and other goods, or because of them.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
35. This treaty shall be confirmed and ratified by the King of Portugal and the Lords States General respectively, in the accustomed and best form, as is fit, within three months beginning from the date of this treaty. The treaty shall be fulfilled by each party candidly and sincerely; and when the ratification of his Most Serene Majesty shall, within the aforesaid time, have been presented here at the Hague, the same shall be exchanged with, and taken over for, the ratification of the aforesaid Lords States General.
[Here follow the full powers granted by the King of Portugal to his ambassador on January 6, 1641, and by the States General to their ambassa dors on June 9, 1641; also a letter from the King of Portugal to the States General, dated January 6, 1641.]
And we, the ambassador and commissioners aforesaid, have signed this treaty with our own hands, and sealed it with our own seals. Done at the Hague on the twelfth day of June, in the year 1641.
Tristão de Mendoça Furtado. Rutger Huygens. J. van Brouchoven. Cats. J. van Vosbergen. Johan van Reede. J. van Veltdriel. J. van Haer solte. Wigbolt Aldringa.
Therefore we, declaring accepted the aforesaid treaty of truce and suspen sion of all hostilities, and likewise of temporary aid, have accepted, approved, ratified, and confirmed the same, as we now accept, approve, ratify, and confirm it by these present letters, solemnly promising that we will inviolably observe, guard, and fulfill everything; and will not permit in any way what ever that may or might happen, that it shall be contravened or opposed directly or indirectly, under pledge and obligation of all goods and issues, general and special, present and future, of our kingdoms, states, and royal crown, only declaring that for the more certain and prompt execution of that which is set forth in article 26 concerning the exercise of religion, which is promised for the subjects and inhabitants of the said United Provinces, since this is a matter which is not comprehended under the royal secular jurisdiction that we enjoy, we shall have recourse to the most Holy Father, Pope Urban VIII., in order that it may be established and confirmed with his approval and consent; and meanwhile the subjects and inhabitants of the said United Provinces, in all our kingdoms, states, and dominions, shall enjoy such good-will and favor that they shall not be troubled or disturbed at all for the said cause of conscience and religion, where they occasion no scandal. For the confirmation and establishment whereof, we have ordered the present letters to be prepared, and they have been inscribed by our hand, and confirmed by the greater seal of our royal house. Given at Lisbon, on the eighteenth of November, in the year of the Lord's nativity 1641. Made by João Suarez de Brito. And I, Francisco de Lucena, member of his Sacred Royal Majesty's councils, and secretary of state, have caused them to be inscribed.
39. Agreement concluded between the Governor of Massachusetts and the Commissioner of the Governor of Acadia, at Boston, October 8, 1644. Ratification by the Commissioners of the United Colonies, September 2, 1645. [Ratification by D'Aulnay, September 28, 1646.]
The treaty of St. Germain,1 which restored Canada and Acadia to France, did not define the boundaries of those regions. The French government, however, appears to have ordered the newly appointed governor of Acadia, the Commandeur De Razilly, to clear the coast of the English as far as Pemaquid.2 In accordance with this alleged order, in 1633, one of De Razilly's lieutenants, La Tour, "displanted" the English from their "trading house" at Machias;3 and in 1635 De Razilly's other lieutenant, D'Aulnay, seized the fortified trading post at Penobscot4 (Pentagoet), which in 1630, two years after it was captured from the French by Kirke,5 had been taken over by the Plymouth colonists.6
The Plymouth colony, planning to recover Penobscot by force of arms, desired help from Massachusetts.7 Though at first inclined to co-operate, Massachusetts ultimately refused. Governor Winthrop was anxious to avoid difficulties with the French government, partly, no doubt, lest these should lead to interference by England in the management of New England's relations with the adjacent settlements of the French and Dutch. Such interference had, indeed, been recently threatened.8 But although Winthrop
1 Doc. 36.
2 Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, 3d ser., VII. 94; Winthrop's Journal (ed. Hosmer), I. 157,201.
3 Winthrop's Journal (ed. cit.), I. 113; Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation (ed. Mass. Hist. Soc., II. 133, and note; ed. Davis, p. 284).
4 Bradford, op. cit. (ed. Mass. Hist. Soc., II. 206, 207; ed. Davis, P. 318) ; Winthrop, ed. cit., I. 157.
5 Report on Canadian Archives, 1894 (ed. Brymner), p. ix; N. Denys, Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America (ed. W. F. Ganong, for the Champlain SOC., 1908), p. 98.
6 Bradford, op. cit. (ed. Mass. Hist. Soc., II. 80-87; ed. Davis, pp. 254-259).
7 Bradford, op. cit. (ed. Mass. Hist. Sac., II. 211-214, and notes; ed. Davis, pp. 320- 321); Winthrop, ed. cit., I. 159.
8 By the "Commission for Regulating Plantations" , 1634, the commissioners were empowered to make laws and ordinances concerning the demeanor of the colonies "towards foreign princes and their people". Bradford, op. cit. (ed. Mass. Hist. Soc., II. 184; ed. Davis, p. 416).
would not openly attack D'Aulnay, now settled at Penobscot, he regarded him as a dangerous neighbor and was inclined to favor La Tour, with whom the Boston merchants traded.9 After the death of De Razilly in 1635, strife had broken out between his two lieutenants. La Tour, whose tenure of land and office in Acadia antedated D'Aulnay's, maintained that the latter had dispossessed him; moreover they were rivals in the fur trade.10 In vain did the King of France try to end the contention by dividing Acadia between them, giving D'Aulnay jurisdiction over the coast of the Etchemins from the St. John River toward the Virginias.11 Between 1641 and 1643 La Tour made three attempts to form an alliance with Massachusetts Bay, stipulating liberty of commerce and assistance against D'Aulnay. The Massachusetts magistrates were willing to accept the former but not the latter provision. Yet in 1643 Winthrop went so far as to permit La Tour to hire any ships that were in Boston harbor; and several of these, together with a number of the Massachusetts colonists, were employed by La Tour in an attack on D'Aulnay. Alarmed at the probable consequences of participation in this attack, the Massachusetts authorities issued an order forbidding their people "to use any act of hostility otherwise than in their own defence, towards French or Dutch, till the next general court". In May, 1644, they wrote to D'Aulnay, enclosing a copy of this order, assuring him that the offending colonists had acted without any commission from them but offering to make due satisfaction, and complaining of D'Aulnay's actions in taking Penobscot, in refusing trade at Port Royal, in threatening to make prize of their vessels sailing beyond Penobscot to trade with La Tour, and in issuing commissions to his captains to take their vessels and goods. They desired D'Aulnay to answer promptly, in order that they might know whether he was disposed to peace or war; asked him to call in his commissions without delay; and refused to prevent their merchants from trading with La Tour, or from defending themselves in case they should be assaulted during their trade.12 If it should appear that D'Aulnay was bent on war, the commissioners of the United Colonies authorized the General Court of Massachusetts to buy La Tour's fort at St. John, or, if he would not part with it, to secure it so that it might not fall into D'Aulnay's hands.13 D'Aulnay, meanwhile, had safeguarded his own position by appealing to the government of France, from which he obtained royal letters or decrees deposing La Tour, ordering
10 Garneau, Histoire du Canada, I. 189, and notes; N. Denys, ed. cit., introduction, pp. 4, 5.
11 The royal letter is in Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi ( 1755- 1757), II. 495, 496; Memorials of the English and French Commissaries concerning the limits of Nova Scotia ( 1755), 711, 712.
12 For the relations between the government of Massachusetts and La Tour and D'Aulnay from 1641 to 1644, see Winthrop, op. cit., under those years; also Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, 3d ser., VII. ( 1838), 92 ff.
13 Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, IX. 25.
9 Winthrop, ed. cit., II. 88, et passim.
his return to France, and appointing D'Aulnay governor and lieutenant- general on the coast of Acadia.14 In the autumn of 1644, D'Aulnay's envoy, M. Marie, journeyed to Boston, showed Governor Endicott a commission from the King of France in which La Tour was condemned as a rebel; complained of the assistance given to La Tour; and proffered peace and amity. Massachusetts colony, however, had not the power to conclude an alliance independently, since in May, 1643, it had agreed to the articles of the New England Confederation, whereby all matters pertaining to war, peace, and leagues, were entrusted to the commissioners of the Confederacy.15 On condition of ratification by the Confederation the magistrates signed an agreement with M. Marie on October 8, stipulating that the English of Massachusetts, and the French under D'Aulnay in Acadia, should keep peace with each other; should have mutual liberty of trade; and should make no reprisals, until satisfaction had been asked and refused--provided, that the English colony should not be bound to prohibit their merchants from trading with any persons whatsoever. The fact that this last provision left the people of Massachusetts free to trade with La Tour indicated a diplomatic victory for their side. Ratification of the treaty was delayed, for relations between the colony and La Tour led at once to further differences with D'Aulnay. It was not until several more conferences had been held that the latter signed the agreement, on September 28, 1646.16 The commissioners of the United Colonies had previously ratified it on September 2, 1645, on condition that it should be ratified by D'Aulnay.
Text: MS. No original manuscript of the actual agreement has been found. A Latin draft of the ratification by the Commissioners for the United Colonies, beginning "Conventione et articulis suprascriptis", and agree ing with the printed version verbatim, is preserved in the Massachusetts State Archives, CCXL. 79. Manuscript volumes of the Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England, containing the English text printed below, are in the same archives, as well as in the state archives at Hartford.
Text: Printed. Latin. T. Hutchinson, Collection of Original Papers rela tive to the History of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay ( 1769), pp. 146, 147; another edition of the same, The Hutchinson Papers, in the Publi cations of the Prince Society ( 1865), I. 164-167; E. Hazard, Historical Collections ( 1792- 1794), I. 536-537. English. Records of the Colony of New, Plymouth in New England (ed. N. B. Shurtleff and D. Pulsifer, 1855- 1861), IX. Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies ofNew England, INew England, I
14 See Garneau, op. cit., I. 190, note 24, for authorities.
15 Art. 9. The articles are in Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, IX. 3-8; Winthrop, ed. cit., II. 100-105.
16 Records of Massachusetts Bay, III. 44, 45, 76-78; Winthrop, ed. cit., II. 285.
New England, I. 59-60; The Hutchinson Papers in the Publications of the Prince Society ( 1865), I. 164, 165; Hazard, op. cit., II. 53-54. Slightly different English versions are in Winthrop's Journal: "History of New England" (ed. J. K. Hosmer, 1908), II. 203, in J. F. Jameson, Original Narratives of Early American History; W. Hubbard, A General History of New England ( 1815), p. 488.
References: Contemporary and early writings. Winthrop's Journal, ed. cit., I. 113, 146, 157, 163, 201, II. 43, 85, 88, 105-116, 127-132, 136- 137, 151, 178, 180-183, 197, 201-205, 225-226, 247-248, 255, 269-271, 276, 284-286; "Papers relative to D'Aulney and La Tour " in the Col lections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d ser., VII. ( 1838) 90 ff.; T. Hutchinson, op. cit., pp. 113-134; Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, ed. cit., IX. 24, 25, 56-59. The papers, etc., referred to under the last two titles are also in Hazard, op. cit., I. 497-516, II. 21, 22, 50-53; Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay, (ed. N. B. Shurtleff, 1853- 1854), II. 157-159, III. 44, 45, 76-78; W. Hubbard, op. cit., ch. 54.
References: Later writings. J. Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, ( 1880- 1881), I. 282-295; B. Murdoch, History of Nova-Scotia ( 1865- 1867), vol. I., chs. 12-13; C. Moreau, Histoire de l'Acadie Française (187), ch. 15; F. Parkman, The Old Régime in Canada ( 1894), chs. 1, 2; F.-X. Garneau, Histoire du Canada ( 5th ed., by H. Garneau, 1913), vol. I., liv. III., ch. 2; H. S. Burrage, Beginnings of Colonial Maine ( 1914), ch. 15.
Conventio inter Johannem Endecott, gubernatorem Massachusets in Nova Anglia, et reliquos magistratus ibidem, et Dominum Marie, delegatum Domini Aulnay, militis, gubernatoris et deputatus Serenissimi Regis Galliae in Acadia, provincia Novae Franciae, facta et firmata apud Boston in Massa chusets praedictum, 8 die mensis 8,18 1644.
Dominus Gubernator et reliqui magistratus promittunt Domino Marie praedicto, quod illi et omnes Angli infra jurisdictionem Massachusets in Nova Anglia firmam pacem colent et servabunt cum Domino D'Aulnay, gubernatore, etc., et omnibus Gallis sub potestate ejus in Acadia, etc. Et Dominus Marie promittit pro Domino D'Aulnay, quod ille et homines ejus firmam pacem servabunt, etiam cum gubernatore et magistratibus praedictis, et omnibus inhabitantibus in jurisdictione Massachusets praedicto. Et quod bene licebit omnibus hominibus, tam Gallis quam Anglis, mutua commercia exercere inter se; ita ut, si aliqua occasio offensionis acciderit, neuter eorum attentabit aliquid hostili modo contra alterum, nisi manifestatio et querela de injuria prius facta, ac satisfactione secundum aequitatem non praestita. Proviso semper, quod Dominus gubernator et magistratus praedicti non teneantur cohibere mercatores suos commercia exercere cure navibus suis cum quibuscunque hominibus, sive Gallis sive aliis, ubicunque locorum de gentibus. Proviso etiam, quod plena ratificatio et conclusio hujus conven tionis ad proximum conventum delegatorum Confaederatarum Coloniarum
17 The Latin text is taken from T. Hutchinson, Collection, of Original Papers, pp. 146, 147.
Novae Angliae deferatur, pro continuatione vel abrogatione ejusdem, et interim firma et inviolata manebit.
Conventione et articulis suprascriptis a delegatis Confaederatarum Coloniarum Novae Angliae praelectis et matura consideratione eorum habitis, cum in animis eorum semper fuerit, ut pax firma et perpetua inter omnes Anglos et propinquos eorum universos instaurata maneret: Ita ut unusquis que communem omnium intentionem incultae hujus regionis in usum humani generis (qua ratione universa terra a Deo primò Adami filiis donata fuit) subigendae prosequatur, nec non ut barbaras has gentes, bonis moribus prius instructas, ad veri Dei et Domini nostri Jesu Christi congnitionem (Divino favente Numine) tandem perducamus, aequum et necessarium illis videtur ut conventio et articuli praedicta (omnibus confaederatis Coloniis praedictis in illis unà comprehensis) confirmare debeant. Sed cum plurimae quaestiones et injuriae ex utraque parte et alligatae et objectae sint, delegati easdem, opportuno tempore et loco exaudire et secundum justitiae normam componi, et interea pace a confederatis Novae Angliae coloniis plene et firmiter, secumdum conventionem praedictam, conservari volunt; ea lege, ut Dominus D'Aulnay eandem, chirographo suo signatam, confirmare etiam et observare velit. In quorum fidem et testimonium, delegati praedicti chirographa sua praesentibus apposuerunt. Datum Boston in Nova Anglia tertio die Septembris, Anno Domini 1645.
Jo. WINTHROP, Praeses.
GEO. FENWICKE. HERBERT PELHAM. THO. PRINCE.
EDW. HOPKINS. THEOPH. EATON. JOHN BROWNE.
An agreement between John Endicott, governor of the Massachusets in New England, and the rest of the majestrats there, and Monsr: Marie, com missioner for Monsr: De Aulney, knight, governor and leiftennant of his heighnesse the King of France in Accady, a province of New France, made and confirmed at Boston in the Massachusets aforesaid, the eight day of the eight month 1644.
The governor and majestrates do promise to Mnsr: Marie aforesaid that they and all the English within the jurisdiction of the Massachusets in New England shall observe and keepe firme peace with Monsr: De Aulney gov ernor etc. and all the French under his goverment in Accady and also Monsr: Marie promiseth for Monsr: de Aulney that hee and all his people shall keepe firme peace alsoe with the governor and majestrates aforesaid, and all the inhabitants of the said jurisdiccion of the Massachusetts, and that it shalbe lawfull for all their people, aswell French as English, to trade eich with other, so as if any occasion of offence shall happen, neither of them shall attempt any thing against the other in a hostile way, except complaint and manefestacion of the injurie be first made, and satisfaccion according to equitie bee not given; provided alwayes that the governor and majestrates
19 The English text is taken from Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, IX. 59-60.
aforesaid bee not bound to restrayne their merchantes from tradeing with the ships with what people soever, whether French or others, in what place soever inhabiting. Provided also that the full ratifycacion and conclusion of this agreement be referred to the next meeteing of the commissioners of the united colonies of New England for the continuance or abrogation thereof, and in the meane [time] to remayne firme and inviolable.
The commissioners for the united colonies of New England, haveing perused and considered the agreement and articles above written, and being desireous that a firme and generall peace might be mayntayned betweene the English and all their neighbours, that every one might pursue the common intention of subduing this wildernes for the use of man in that way for which the earth was first given to the sonnes of Adam, and for bringing these barbarous people first to civilitie (and so by divine assistance) to the knowl edg of the true God and our Lord Jesus Christ, it seemes fitt and necessary unto them, that the agreement and articles afore specifyed (comprehending therein all the said united colonies) should be confirmed. But whereas there are certaine questions and injuries on both parts alledged and charged, the commissioners are willing that in due tyme and place the same shalbe duly heard and composed according to justice, and that peace in the meane tyme be fully and firmely kept by the English colonies according to the late agree ment. Provided that Monsr. De Aulney under his owne hand doe confirme and observe the same.
These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by the commissioners for the severall jurisdiccions this second of September 1645.
JOHN WINTHROP, Presnt. GEO. FENWICK.
HERBERT PELHAM. EDWA. HOPKINS.
THO. PRENCE. THEOPH. EATON.
JOHN BROWNE. STEPHEN GOODYEARE.
Treaty between Spain and the United Netherlands,
concluded at Münster on
January 30, 1648.
Ratification by Spain, March 1, 1648.
[Ratification by the States General, April 18, 1648.]
During the twenty years following the expiration of the truce of Antwerp1 in 1621, the most important of the many negotiations that took place for a peace or truce between the United Provinces and Spain, were those of the years 1632 and 1633.2 These negotiations failed, chiefly because of the impossibility of coming to an agreement on colonial matters, particularly those in which the Dutch West India Company was involved. In 1632 this company possessed the Recife of Pernambuco in Brazil, which it had cap tured from the Portuguese, then under the rule of Spain. It looked for ward to a rapid extension of its authority and trade in this region, and to profits from raids undertaken thence against the Spanish treasure-fleets, the West Indian Islands, and Central America, and from supplying Brazilian sugar plantations with Guinea and Angola slaves.3 The company therefore opposed the plan that the States General should exchange Pernambuco for Breda and a large sum of money. Having acquired a great fleet, equipped for war, it was opposed to any peace or truce4 with Spain that should extend beyond the Line; unless, indeed, Spain should permit the Dutch to trade in both Indies. The Dutch commissioners supported the contentions of the company.5 Since the King of Spain persisted in requiring the restitution of Pernambuco, and in refusing the company's demands, the negotiations ended fruitlessly.
Besides the Dutch West India Company, another advocate of the con tinuance of the Spanish-Dutch war was Richelieu, cautiously moving towards the open breach with Spain which he effected in 1635. In that year, after
1 Doc. 28.
2 For the history of these negotiations the most important source is Actes des États Généraux de 1632 ( 1853, 1866), edited by L. P. Gachard, in the Collection de Documents sur les Anciennes,Assemblées Nationales de la Belgique. Among modern works, M. G. de Boer's Die Friedensunterhandlungen zwischen Spanien und den Niederlanden in den Jahren 1632, und 1633 ( 1898), and A. Waddington La République des Provinces-Unies, La France, et les Pays-Bas Espagnols de 1630 à 1650 ( 1895- 1897), I. 181 ff., are of especial value.
3 P. M. Netscher, Les Hollandais au Brésil, pp. 52 ff.
4 The remonstrance of the company against a peace with Spain is in J. R. Brodhead, Documents relative to the Colonial History of New York, I. 62-68.
5 Aitzema, Saken van Staet, II. 22.
entering into an alliance with the United Provinces, France began to play her ultimately successful part in the Thirty Years' War. Hopelessly worsted by France and her allies, the Hapsburgs were prepared to make large con cessions. A preliminary treaty, signed at Hamburg on December 25, 1641,6 provided for the assembling of a great peace congress at the two Westphalian towns of Münster and Osnabrück. The plenipotentiaries of France and her allies, including the United Provinces, were to meet the deputies of the Emperor and Spain at the former place. The Spanish-Dutch negotiations of 1640-1648, which thus formed part of the proceedings of the famous congress of Westphalia, were carried on under widely different circum stances from those of 1632-1633, mentioned above. In 1646-1648Spain was exhausted by her efforts against rebels in Portugal, Catalonia, and Naples, as well as against external foes. Moreover, the chief obstacle to peace had been removed by her loss of Brazil and the other Portuguese colonies. The Dutch East and West India companies, however, were still inclined to war, as appears from the "Considerations" which they presented to the States General in 1645, when instructions were being prepared for the Dutch envoys.7 The East India Company deemed it advantageous to continue the war with the Castilians, since in any case the company was obliged to be always armed and on its guard; but in the event of a peace or truce they hoped that their High Mightinesses would take care that the Castilians should not extend their navigation beyond its present limits. Above all the Castilians must be excluded from the Portuguese Indies, lest under pretext of recov ering them they should appear there with a great force. The "considera tions " presented by the Dutch West India Company were as follows:
(1) That, in case of union between the two companies, which was strongly desired by the West India Company, it would be more profitable for the united companies to continue the war in both the East and West Indies, the coast of Africa, Brazil, the South Sea, and other quarters south of the Tropic of Cancer or beyond the Equinoctial Line, than to conclude any peace or truce with the King of Spain;
(2) that, in case the union should not be effected, if their High Mightinesses would grant renewal of the West India Company's charter for twenty-five years, and requisite subsidies, peace or truce would be serviceable to them if also accepted by the East India Company;
(3) that, in case of a general peace or truce, the company should be assured of its observance by Spain, so that they might diminish their garrisons, powerful ships, etc., without danger, and be maintained in exer cising the privileges of their charter; (4) that in such peace or truce should be included all potentates and peoples with whom their High Mightinesses or the West India Company were in friendship and alliance, within the
6 Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, VI. ( I), 231-233.
7 Aitzema, Vrede handeling, in Saken van Staet, VI. ( 2), 186, 187.
limits of their charter; (5) that the company should be allowed to promote their trade in all places within the aforesaid limits where the King of Spain had no castles, jurisdiction, or territory, with whatever merchandise, wares, slaves, etc., they should see fit; (6) that the subjects of Spain should not be permitted to navigate or trade in any harbors or places where the West India Company had any castles, forts, and territory or warehouses, unless similar privileges were granted to the said company in all districts and places under the dominion of the said King of Spain; (7) that each should continue to possess and enjoy such cities, castles, strongholds, trading places and lands, as, at the conclusion of this treaty, should belong to each.
In so far as the "considerations" put forward by the two companies sug gested stipulations to be made in regard to the Indies in case of a peace or truce, they were incorporated (together with an additional provision that officers and servants of the said companies should be unmolested in the countries of the King of Spain in Europe) in two articles, which were included in a draft of the instructions prepared for the Dutch envoys to Münster. But on October 14, 1645, a fortnight before the date of the com pleted instructions, these two articles were stricken from the draft.8 The only articles dealing with the East and West Indies and left standing in the instructions--nos. 10, 11 (second part), 13, 14, 15, and 16--were compara tively insignificant. Article 10 consisted of the "certificate" signed by the French and English ambassadors on April 9, 1609.9 The second part of article 11 stated that outside these limits (i. e., outside Europe or wherever else the king's friends were permitted to trade) the States and their subjects should not trade in the lands of the King of Spain without his express permis sion; but they should be allowed to trade in the territories of all other princes and peoples who would permit them, even outside the aforesaid limits, without the said king or his officers or subjects molesting the said princes or peoples or the Dutch themselves. (This provision was the same as that of the truce of 1609, article 4.) Article 12 merely stated that "the preceding article consists of two parts: the first is left as it is", thus abrogating the second part. Article 13 provided that the navigation and traffic to each of the Indies should be maintained. Article 14 declared that in the limits of the East India Company's charter the truce should not begin under a year after the date of its conclusion; nor in the limits of the West India Company's charter until six months after its conclusion; but that if notification of the truce should be made sooner within the aforesaid limits, all hostilities must cease; and if, after the lapse of a year or six months, respectively, any act of hostility should be committed in the said limits, the loss should be repaired without delay. The fifteenth article asserted that on March 31, 1609, the ambassadors of France and England made a declaration concerning
8 Ibid., pp. 205, 206.
9 Printed above, Doc. 28, p. 268.
the matters referred to in articles 13 and 14. This declaration, printed above,10 constituted the sixteenth article. Concerning the rest of the 116 articles of the instructions, it need only be observed that they called for the con clusion of a truce of at least twelve years, during which each party should keep its own possessions; for full recognition of the independence of the United Provinces; and for the maintenance of a close correspondence with the French plenipotentiaries at Münster, in accordance with the Franco Dutch treaty of 1644.
Armed with these instructions, which it had taken two years to frame, the eight Dutch envoys arrived in Miinster on January 11, 1646--Barthold van Gent, lord of Meinerswijk, from Gelderland; Johan, lord of Mathenesse, and Adriaan Pauw, lord of Heemstede, from Holland; Johan de Knuyt, from Zeeland; Godard van Reede, lord of Nederhorst, from Utrecht; Frans van Donia, from Friesland; Willem van Ripperda, lord of Hengeloo, from Overyssel; Adriaan Clant, from Groningen. They had been preceded in time at Münster by the Spanish commissioners--Don Gaspar de Bracamonte, count of Peñaranda, councillor of the king, Joseph de Bergaigne, archbishop of Cambrai, who died in October, 1647, and Antoine Brun. Among the Dutch, Pauw and Knuyt were the ablest; among the Spaniards, Brun.11
After the coming of the States' plenipotentiaries, negotiations opened promptly, but they were soon halted by the dissatisfaction of the Dutch with the Spaniards' full powers. The Dutch insisted that before negotiations could proceed, new powers, conforming to a draft prepared by them, must be obtained from Spain. Meanwhile two alarming reports reached Pauw and his colleagues, (I) that a marriage between the King of France and the Spanish Infanta was arranged and that the latter would receive the Nether lands as dowry; (2) that the King of Spain had placed the whole peace negotiations in the hands of his sister, the queen regent of France. Toward the end of February, Pauw and Knuyt journeyed with these tidings to the Hague. Returning to Münster early in May, they would not resume nego tiations until the Spanish envoys promised to deliver to them, before the first of July, full powers such as they desired. At about the same time, envoys of both parties signed an agreement concerning the manner of holding con ferences, providing that all the writings that had to be made for the treaty should be in the French and Dutch languages, which should be regarded as equally authentic.12
On May 17 the Dutch accepted the proposal, made by the Spaniards on January 28,13 for a truce modelled on that of 1609, and in turn proposed 71 articles, based on their instructions, as the conditions for renewing the
10 Doc. 29, note 6.
11 For characterization of the Dutch and Spanish envoys, see Waddington, République des Provinces-Unies, II. 167 ff.
12 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 232.
13 Ibid., VI.( 2), 220, 221.
truce.14 Since the principal articles relating to the Indies had been stricken from the instructions, the 71 articles failed to provide for settling the India question. The few references to the Indies contained in these 71 articles were as follows: article 5 carried out the directions of article 13 of the instructions by stating that it was understood that the navigation and trade of the East and West Indies were held and maintained, and that in the future articles would be drawn up concerning this; and article 6 was the same as article 14 of the instructions. Since the Spanish envoys accepted nearly all of the 71 articles, the Dutch plenipotentiaries desired to end the negotia tions by coming to an agreement in regard to the India trade, and wrote repeatedly to the Hague for instructions thereon.15 Before these were received, about the first of July, amended "full powers" arrived at Münster from Spain. The seventy provisional articles were then signed16 by all of the Spanish plenipotentiaries and by three of the Dutch--van Meinerswijk, Heemstede, and Pauw. Nederhorst, and later Ripperda, who favored France, would not sign. Towards the end of the month some of the Dutch deputies. having returned to the Hague, reported to the States General the seventy pro visional articles, and requested further instructions on certain unsettled points, including the matter of the East and West Indies.17
On September 18, it was decided to substitute a peace for a truce. While Holland strongly favored this change, Zeeland, foreseeing that a peace would further damage the already declining fortunes of the East and West India companies,18 opposed it, but finally yielded. By means of some amendments the 7 articles were then converted into a treaty of peace, and a few new articles were added. Among other changes resolved upon was the striking out of the fifth of the seventy articles, and the substituting of two articles (5 and 6), based upon the two articles that had been stricken out of the drafted instructions, as mentioned above.19
In these substituted articles the principal novelties were: (I) that among the places in the East and West Indies which the King of Spain and the Lords States should, respectively, continue to hold, on the ground of previous possession, were to be especially included places taken by the Portuguese from the States, and places which, hereafter, without infringement of the present treaty, the States "might come to conquer and possess"; (2) recip rocal freedom of trade between the Dutch West India Company and the subjects of Spain in the places possessed by either within the limits of the Dutch West India Company.
14 Ibid., VI. ( 2), 234-239.
15 Ibid., VI. ( 2), 239-244, 245, 246.
16 By the combining of two articles the number had been reduced from 71 to 70.
17 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 249, 250.
18 A "Report on the affairs of the West India Company", January, 1648, is printed in J. R. Brodhead, op. cit., I. 216-248.
19 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 264.
In case the latter stipulation were rejected an alternative provision was to be proposed, viz., that Spaniards and Dutch should refrain from sailing to and trading in the ports or places occupied by either party with forts, ware houses, or castles.20 On December 13, 1646, the Dutch plenipotentiaries delivered to the Spaniards, at Münster, the "amendments and additions to be made in the seventy provisional articles . . . with six fresh articles, both signed and in the French language"21 The Spaniards strongly objected to the new articles relating to the Indies. They declared that "the King could not agree to the trade in the West Indies; that was quite an innovation and unknown in the treaties of truce, and since the trade in the Indies was not permitted any foreign nations by any treaty, and moreover the subjects of England, Denmark, the Portuguese, so long as these were under the dominion of the King, France before the war, the Aragonese, the Neapolitans, and even the inhabitants of the Spanish Netherlands, were not allowed any trade in the West Indies, therefore our State could not enjoy what was refused the subjects of the King"22
They consented that the States General "be permitted to recover all that the Portuguese shall have occupied of theirs in Brazil", but with the proviso that the King of Spain should retain "his rights over all that he had there at the beginning of the Portuguese rebellion". Brun went so far as to sug gest that after the peace the Spaniards would gladly make an alliance with the Dutch "to share Brazil, and perhaps more".
To meet the objections of the Spaniards, who threatened to break off nego tiations, the two articles concerning the Indies (nos. 5 and 6) were modified. Article 5 was altered from the form of the revised instructions by adding to the expression "places taken by the Portuguese from these States", the phrase "since the year 1641". Article 6 may be regarded as the second "alternative" provision of the Dutch instructions, modified by the conditional concession from the Spaniards in respect to the territory occupied by the Dutch in Brazil, and by the addition of a few phrases. The introduction of the phrase "and all others" was very disadvantageous to the West India Com pany; for whereas the second alternative had provided that subjects of either party should keep away from places occupied by the other party with forts, warehouses, or castles, the article as adopted stipulated that they should also refrain from visiting all other places.
The modified articles 5 and 6 were agreed to on December 27.23 The 73 articles signed by the Spaniards, together with an article declaring that,
20 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 266.
21 The Dutch version was given to the Spaniards on Dec. 14, British Counter-Case, pp. 333, 334.
22 This and the following quotations are from the translation printed in the British Counter-Case, pp. 336-339, from the official report of the Dutch embassy, preserved in the Rijksarchief at the Hague, St. Gen., 25, 225, vol. III. Cf. also Le Clerc, Négocia tions, III. 393, and Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 269 ff.
23 British Counter-Case, pp. 341, 342.
in accordance with the treaty concluded with France in March, 1644, these articles should not have the force of a real treaty unless France were satis fied, were signed by seven of the Dutch plenipotentiaries on January 8, 1647.24 On the ground that the signing was an act unfriendly to the French, as well as on account of the introduction of the words "and all others", Nederhorst refused to affix his name.25
When the 73 articles were referred back to the States General, and by them to the Provinces, they were variously received. Several provinces disliked certain provisions. Zeeland objected to the additions to article 6.26 Holland, which tried to show that these additions favored Dutch commerce, was urgent for a speedy peace, and in April announced that unless France were more conciliatory the Dutch must conclude a separate treaty. For some months thereafter the Dutch tried to mediate between the French and Spaniards. One of the chief obstacles was Portugal, which France, always desiring the abasement of Spain, was determined to aid.27 Despite the wish of France, Spain would not tolerate any recognition of the Portuguese rebels in the treaties; moreover, she insisted that France should surrender Lor raine. On July 29, 1647, a futile treaty of reciprocal guarantee was con cluded betwen the States General and France.28 The party in the United Provinces that desired peace with Spain, even without France, successfully continued their activities. Zeeland was won over by a promise of aid for the West India Company; and all difficulties with Spain were finally adjusted. The Dutch gave France a fixed period within which to come to terms with Spain respecting Lorraine.29 No agreement having been reached, on January 30, 1648, despite the Franco-Dutch treaty of 1644, the Dutch concluded a separate peace with Spain.30 As before, Nederhorst refused to sign. France protested,31 and several provinces opposed a ratification, but were gradually won over, with the exception of Zeeland.32 The Spanish ratification, dated March 1, 1648, having arrived at Münster, the treaty was ratified on April 1833 by a resolution of the States General. On May 15 ratifications were exchanged. When June 5 was fixed as the date for proclaiming the peace, Zeeland yielded. She would publish it, not with rejoicing, but with fasting and prayer.34 For her it meant the end of profitable privateering,35 and the
24 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 273.
25 Ibid., VI. ( 2),294.
26 Ibid., VI. ( 2), 297 ff.
27 Le Clerc, Négociations Secrètes, IV. 375.
28 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 326-327.
29 Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos, LXXXIV. 87.
30 A special article respecting navigation and commerce was signed at Münster on Feb. 4, 1648. Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 354-355.
31 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 355 ff.
32 Ibid., VI. ( 2), 364 ff.
33 The ratification is printed in the Groot Placaet-Boeck, vol. I., cols. 103-106, and in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, VI. ( I), 438.
34 Aitzema, op. cit., VI. ( 2), 383 ff.; Waddington, op. cit., II. 231.
35 Asher, Bibliographical Essay, p. 62. On April 7, 1648, the Directors of the West India Company wrote to Stuyvesant in regard to the sale of two ships,
"The low price leads us to surmise that these ships were pretty well worn out and by your Honor
rapid dissolution of the West India Company, now debarred from continuing those hostilities against Spain for which it was primarily created.
From the standpoint of this volume the chief interest of the treaty of Münster lies in the fact that therein, for the first time, Spain conceded to another nation, in clear and explicit terms, and in a public treaty, the right to sail to, trade, and acquire territory in the West Indies.
Text: MS. The original manuscript of the Spanish ratification is preserved in the exhibition room of the Rijksarchief at the Hague.
Text: Printed. French. J. A. de Abreu y Bertodano, Coleccion de los Tratados de España: Reynado del Rey D. Phelipe IV. ( 1744- 1751), V. 309-360; J. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique ( 1726- 1731), tom. VI., Pt. I., pp. 429-441; J. J. Schmauss, Corpus Juris Gentium Academicum ( 1730), I. 614-629. Dutch. Groot Placaet-Boeck van de Staten Generael ( 1658 1796), vol. I., cols. 79-110; L. van Aitzema, Saken van Staet en Oorlogh ( 1669- 1672), III. 259-268; id., Verhael van de Nederlandsche Vrede handeling, ibid., VI. ( 2), 386-398.
Translations: English. A General Collection of Treatys ( 1732), II. 335 367; the same in C. Jenkinson, Collection of all the Treaties between Great Britain and Other Powers ( 1785), I. 10-40; Venezuela-British Guiana Boundary Arbitration: the Case of the United States of Vene zuela ( 1898), III. 4-21. Spanish. Abreu y Bertodano, loc. cit.
References: Contemporary and early writings. L. van Aitzema, Saken van Staet en Oorlogh ( 1669- 1672), II. 884 ff., 959, 967 ff., 975 ff.; III. 42 ff., 103 ff., 205 ff., 241 ff.; id., Verhael van de Nederlandsche Vrede handeling ( 1671), pp. 198 ff., in Saken van Staet en Oorlogh, deel VI. ( 2), and separately; Navarrete, Coleccion de Documentos Iniditos para la Historia de España ( 1842- 1895), LXXXII.-LXXXIV. (diplomatic correspondence of the Spanish plenipotentiaries at Miinster from 1643 to 1648) ; N. Clément, Mémoires et Négociations Secrètes de la Cour de France, touchant la Paix de Munster ( 1710), 4 vols., Clément's collec tion is included in [ J. Le Clerc], Négociations Secrètes touchant la Paix de Munster et d'Osnaburg ( 1725- 1726), 4 vols.; Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin (ed. M. A. Chéruel, 1872- 1906), II., passim, in the Collection de Documents Inédits sur l'Histoire de France; British Guiana Bound ary, Arbitration with the United States of Venezuela, Appendix to the [British] Counter-Case (Foreign Office print, 1898), pt. II., "Special appendix to illustrate Chapter V. of the Counter-Case: the Treaty of Munster " (documents with translations) ; States of Holland, Resolu tien for the years 1646- 1648, passim; A. Contarini, Relazione del Congresso di Münster ( 1864), pt. II.; F. Ogier, Journal du Congrès de Munster (ed. A. Boppe, 1893, G. Groen van Prinsterer, Archives de laMaison d'Orange-Nassau
considered unfit to be used in the service of the Company. We could not, under the circumstances, expect to employ them with great advantage to us, for we can now seek our fortune only against the treacherous Portuguese, since the peace with Spain has been arranged and signed". B. Fernow, Documents relating to the History of the Early Colonial Settlements on Long Island ( 1883), p. 84.
Maison d'Orange-Nassau ( 1835, etc.), 2d ser., IV. 148 ff., passim; A. van Wicquefort Histoire des Provinces-Unies des Païs-Bas ( 1861 1874), I. 76 ff.
References: Later writings. J. Basnage, Annales des Provinces-Unies ( 1726), I. 3-111; G. H. Bougeant, Histoire du Traité de Westphalie ( 1751), 6 vols.; J. P. Arend, et al., Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vader lands ( 1840, etc.), III. (5), 460-805, passim; Comte de Garden, Histoire Générale des Traités de Paix ( 1848- 1851), I., section 3, espec. 165 ff.; A. Waddington, La République des Provinces-Unies, La France, et les Pays-Bas Espagnols de 1630 à 1650 ( Annales de l'Université de Lyon, 1895- 1897), II. 155-250; United States Commission on Boundary be tween Venezuela and British Guiana, Report and Papers ( 1896- 1897), I. 71-96, "Report as to the meaning of articles V. and VI. of the Treaty of Münster", by G. L. Burr, reprinted in The Counter-Case of the United States of Venezuela ( 1898), II. 1-16; British Guiana Boundary: Arbitration with the United States of Venezuela, The [British] Counter Case ( 1898), pp. 46-51; P. J. Blok, History of the People of the Nether lands ( 1898- 1912), IV., ch. VI.; G. M. Asher, A Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland ( 1854- 1867), PP. 58 ff.
Don Philippe Quatriesme, par la graçe de Dieu roy de Castille, de Leon, de Arragon, dés Deux Siciles, de Jerusalem, de Portugal, de Navarre, de Granada, de Toledo, de Valençia, de Galliçia, de Mallorca, de Menorca, de Sevilla, de Cerdeña, de Cordova, de Corçega, de Mursia, de Jaen, de los Algarves, de Algesira, de Gibraltar, dés Isles de Canarie, dés Indes Orientales et Occidentales, isles et terreferme de l'Occean, archiduc d'Austriche, sieur de Bourgogne, de Brabant, de Milan, comte de Habspurg, de Flandres, Tyrol, Barçelone, seigneur de Viscaya et Molina, etc., A tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront, salut. Comme ainsy soit, que pour delivrer les Provinces du Pais Bas de la guerre de laquelle par un si long espace d'années elles ont esté affligées, les descharger dés miseres et calamités d'icelle, les remettre en repos, splendeur, et prosperité, comme aussy pour assoupir les guerres espandues en autres pais, et mers lointaines,
Nous depuis longtemps avons desiré de venir á une bonne paix avec les Seigneurs Estats Generaux dés Provinçes Unies libres du Pais Bas, au soulagement de touts ceux qui del'un et de l'autre costé sentent les calamités dela susditte guerre, et que de commun concert ayt esté choisie la ville de Münster en Westphale pour l'assemblée et traitté de paix; si ont les affaires audit lieu eu succes si favorable, que nos ambassadeurs extraordinaires et plenipotentiaires en vertu de nos pouvoirs ont faict et conclu avec les ambassa deurs extraordinaires et plenipotentiaires désdits Seigneurs Estats le traitté de paix çy inseré de mot a mot:
Au nom et à la gloire de Dieu, soit notoire à touts, qu'apres le long cours des sanglantes guerres qui ont affligé par tant d'années les peuples, subjects,
36 From the original manuscript of the Spanish ratification in the exhibition room of the Rijksarchief at the Hague.
royaunies, et pais de l'obeissance des Seigneurs Roy (les Espagnes et Estats Generaux des Provinces Unies du Pais-Bas, eux Seigneurs Roy et Estats, touchez de compassion Chrestienne, et desirants mettre fin alix calamitez publiques et arrester les deplorables suittes, inconvenients, dommages, et dangers, que la continuation ulterieure des dites guerres des Pais-bas pourroit tirer apres soy, mesme par une extension en autres estats, pais, terres, et mers plus reculées, et àfin d'en changer les sinistres effects en ceux tres agreables d'une bonne et sincere pacification de part et d'autre, et aux doux fruicts d'un entier et ferme repos, pour le soulagement des dits peuples et estats de leur obeissance, et pour le restablissement des dommages passez, au bien commun, non seulement des Pais-bas, mais de toutte la Chrestienté, conviants et priants les autres princes et potentats d'icelle de se laisser fleschir par la grace divine, à la mesme compassion et aversion des malheurs, ruines, et disordres, que ce pesant fleau de la guerre a faict si longuement et durement ressentir; pour parvenir a une si bonne fin et à un but tant desirable, ont iceux Seigneurs Roy des Espagnes, Don Philippe Quatriesme, et Estats Geileraux desdites Provinces Unies du Pais-bas, commis et deputé, c'est à sqavoir ledit Seigneur Roy, Don Gaspar de Braccamonte et de Guzman, comte de Peñaranda, seigneur de Aldeaseca de la Frontera, chevalier de l'Ordre de Alcantara, administrateur perpetuel de la comanderie de Daymiel del'Ordre de Calatrava, gentilhomme de la chambre de sa Majesté, de son conseil et chambre, ambassadeur extraordinaire vers sa Majesté Iniperiale, et premier plenipotentiaire pour le traicté de la paix generale; et Messire Anthoitie Brun, chevalier, conseiller de sa Majesté Catolique en son conseil d'Estat et Supreme pour les affaires des Pais-bas et de Bourgogne, prés de sa personne, et son plenipotentiaire aux traictés de la paix generale; et lesdicts Seigneurs Estats Generaux des Provinces Unies du Pais-bas, le Sieur Bartolt de Gent, sieur de Loenen et de Meinderswyck, senechal et dyck grave de Bommel, Tieler, et Bommelerwaerden, deputé de la noblesse de Geldre à l'assemblée des Seigneurs Estats Generaux; le Sieur Jean de Mathenesse, sietir de Mathenesse, Riviere, Opmeer, Souteveen, etc., deptité au conseil ordinaire de Hollande et Westfrise, et à l'assemblée des Seigneurs Estats Generaux, de la part des nobles de ladite province, conseiller, et heemrade de Schieland; Messire Adriaen Pauw, chevalier, sieur de Heemstede, Hogers milde, etc., premier president, conseiller, et maistre des comptes de Hollande et Westfrise, et de par[t] de ladite province deputé à l'assemblée des Seigneurs Estats Generaux; Messire Jean de Knuyt, chevalier, sieur de vieux et nouveau Vosmar, premier et representant la noblesse aux Estats et conseil de la comté de Zeelande, et de l'admiraulté d'icelle, premier conseiller de Son Altesse Monsieur le Prince d'Orange, deputé ordinaire à l'assemblée des Seigncurs Estats Generaux; le Sieur Godart de Reede, sieur de Neder horst, Vredelant, Cortehoef, Overmeer, Horstwaert, etc., president à l'assem blée des nobles de la province d'Utrecht, et deputé de leur part à l'assemblée des Seigneurs Estats Generaux; le sieur François de Donia, sieur de Hinnema en Hielsum, deputé à l'assemblée des Seigneurs Estats Generaux de la part de la Province de Frise; le Sieur Guillaume Ripperda, sieur (de Hengeloe, Boxberghen, Boculoe, et Russenborg, etc., deputé de la noblesse de la Province d'Overyssel à l'assemblée des Seigneurs Estats Generaux; le Sieur Adriaen Clant de Stedum, sieur de Nittersum et deputé ordinaire de la province de la ville de Groningue et Ommelandes, à l'assemblée des Seigneurs Estats Getieraux; tous ambassadeurs extraordinaires en Allemagne et plenipotenciaires desdits Seigneurs Estats Generaux, aux traittés de la paix generale, touts garnis de pouvoirs suffisants, qui seront inserez à la fin des presentes: lesquels assembléz en la ville de Munster en Westphale, de commun concert destin au traicté general de paix de la Crestienté, en vertu de leurs dits pouvoirs pour, et au nom desdits Seigneurs Roy et Estats, ont faict, conclu, et accordé les articles qui s'ensuivent.
1.37 Premierement, declare ledit Seigneur Roy et recognoist que lesdits Seigneurs Estats Generaux des Païs-bas Unis, et les provinces d'iceux respec tivement, avec touts leurs païs associez, villes, et terres y appartenants, sont libres et souverains estats, provinces, et païs, sur lesquels ni sur leurs païs, villes, et terres associées, comme dessus, luy dit Seigneur Roy ne pretend rien, et que presentement, ou cy apres, pour soy-mesme, ses hoirs, et succes seurs, il ne pretendra jamais rien; et qu'en suitte de ce il est content de traicter avecq lesdits Seigneurs Estats, comme il faict par le present, une paix perpetuelle, aux conditions ci apres escrites et declarées.
2.A sqavoir, que ladite paix sera bonne, ferme, fidelle, et inviolable, et qu'en suitte cesseront et seront delaissez touts actes d'hostilité, de quelque facon qu'ilz soient, entre lesdits Seigneurs Roy et Estats Generaux, tant par mer, autres eaux, que par terre, en touts leurs royaumes, pais, terres, et seigneuries, et pour touts leurs subjects et habitants, de quelque qualité ou condition qu'ilz soient, sans exception de lieux ni de personnes.
3.Chascun demeurcra saisi, et jouira effectivement des pais, villes, places, terres, et seigneuries, qu'il tient et possede à present, sans y estre troublée, ni inquieté, directement ni indirectement, de quelque facon que ce soit. . . .
5.La navigation et trafique des Indes Orientales et Occidentales sera maintenue, selon et en conformité des octroys38 sur ce donnés, ou à donner cy après; pour seurté de quoy servira le present traicté, et la ratification d'iceluy, qui de part et d'autre en sera procurée: et seront compris soubs ledit traitté touts potentats, nations, et peuples, avec lesquels les dits Seigneurs Estats, ou ceux de la Societé des Indes Orientales et Occidentales en leur nom, entre les limites de leurs dicts octroys sont en amitié et alliance; et un chacun, scavoir les susdits Seigneurs Roy et Estats respectivement demeureront en possession et jouiront de telles seigneuries, villes, chasteaux, forteresses, commerce et païs ès Indes Orientales et Occidentales, comme aussi au Brasil et sur les costes d'Asie, Afrique, et Amerique respectivement, que lesdits Seigneurs Roy et Estats respectivement tiennent et possedent; en ce compris specialement les lieux et places que les Portugais depuis l'an mille six cens quarante et un ont pris et occupé sur les dits Seigneurs Estats;39 compris aussi les lieux et places, qu'iceux Seigneurs Estats ci apres sans infraction
37 Cf. this and the following article with articles 1 and 2 of the truce of 1609 (Doc. 28).
38 The charter of the East India Company, 1602, is printed in the Groot Placaet Boeck, vol. I., col. 530-538. The charter of the West India Company, of June 3, 1621, is printed in the same volume, cols. 565-578, and thence, together with an English trans lation, in A. J. F. van Laer, Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, pp. 86-115.
39 ". . . compris aussi les lieux . . . viendront à conquerir et posseder". Whether this clause gave the Dutch the right to acquire unconquered territory from the native tribes, as well as to recapture it from the Portuguese, was a debated point in the Vene zuela-British Guiana boundary controversy. The arguments for one interpretation are given by Professor G. L. Burr in his "Report as to the Meaning of Articles V. and VI. of the Treaty of Münster" and for the other, in the British Counter Case, ch. 5.
du present traicté viendront à conquerir et posseder. Et les Directeurs de la Societé des Indes, tant Orientales que Occidentales, des Provinces Unies, comme aussi les ministres, officiers, hauts et bas, soldats, et matelots, estants en service actuel del'une, ou del'autre desdites compagnies, ou aiants esté en leur service, comme aussi ceux, qui hors letir service respectivement, tant en ces païs, qu'au district desdites deux compagnies continuent encor, ou pourront ci aprés estre employés, seront et demetireront libres, et sans estre molestez, en touts les païs estants soubs l'obeissance dudit Seignetir Roy en l'Europe, pourront voyager, trafiquer, et frequenter, comme touts atitres habitants, des pais desdits Seigneurs Estats. En outre a esté condi tionné et stipulé, que les Espagnolz retiendront leur navigation en telle maniere, qu'ilz la tiennent pour le present ès Indes Orientales,40 sans se pouvoir estendre plus avant; comme aussi les habitants de ces Pais-bas s'abstiendront de la frequentation des places, que les Castellans ont ès Indes Orientales.
6.Et quant aux Indes Occidentales, les subjects et habitants des royaumes, provinces, et terres desdits Seigneurs Roy et Estats respectivenient, s'absti endront de naviger et trafiquer en touts les havres, lieux et places garnies de forts, loges ou chasteaux, et touttes autres possedées par l'une oti l'autre partie; sçavoir, que les subjects dudit Seignetir Roy ne navigeront et trafique ront en celles tenues par lesdits Seigneur Estats, ni les subjects desdits Seigneurs Estats en celles tenues par ledit Seigneur Roy; et entre les places tenues par lesdicts Seigneurs Estats, seront comprises les places que les Portugais depuis I'an mille six cens et quarante un ont occupées dans le Brasil sur les dits Seigneurs Estats, comme aussi touttes autres places qu'ilz possedent à present, tandis qu'elles demeureront aux dits Portugais; sans que le precedent article puisse deroger du contenu du present.
7.Et pour ce qu'il est besoin d'un assez long temps pour advertir ceux qui sont hors les dites limites avec forces et navires, à se desister de touts actes d'hostilité; a esté accordé, qu'entre les limites de l'octroy ci devant donné à la societé des Indes Orientales du Pais bas, ou à donner par contin uation, la paix ne commencera pas plus tost qu'un an apres la date de la conclusion du present traitté. Ft quant aux limites del'octroy, ci devant donné par les Estats Generaux, ou à donner par continuation à la Societé des Indes Occidentales, qu'aux dits lieux la paix ne commencera pas plus tost que six mois après la date que dessus. Bien entendu, que si l'advis de ladite paix sera de la part du public de part et d'autre parvenu plus tost entre les dits limites respectivement, que dès l'heure del'advis l'hostilité cessera auxdits lieux; mais si apres le terme d'un an et de six mois respectivement dans les limites des octroys susdits se faict aucun acte d'hostilité, les dommages en seront repares sans delay.
16.Les villes Anseatiques, avecq touts leurs citoiens, habitants, et pais, jouiront quant au faict de la navigation et trafique en Espagne, royaumes, et estats d'Espagne, de touts et mesmes droicts, franchises, immunités, et privileges, lesquels par le present traicté sont accordés. ou s'accorderont ci après, pour et au regard des subjects et habitants des Provinces Unies des Pais-bas. Et reciproquement les dits subjects et habitants des Provinces Unies jouiront de touts et mesmes droicts, franchises, immunités, privileges,
40 In the East Indies Spain retained the Philippines. Cf. Doc. 16, introduction.
et capitulations, soit pour l'establissement des consuls dans les villes capitales, ou maritimes d'Espagne, et ailleurs, ou il sera besoin, comme aussi pour les marchands, facteurs, maistres de navires, mariniers, ou autrement, et en la mesme sorte, que les dites villes Anseatiques en general, ou en particulier, ont obtenu et pratiqué ci devant, ou obtiendront et pratiqueront ci apres, pour la seurté, bien, et avantage de la navigation et trafique de leur villes, marchands, facteurs, commis, et autres, qui en dependent.
72.En ce present traicté de paix seront compris ceux qui devant l'eschange de l'agreation ou ratification, ou trois mois après, seront nommés de part et d'autre, dans lequel terme ledit Seigneur Roy nommera ceux qu'il jugera convenir. De la part desdits Seigneurs Estats sont nomméz le Prince Lant Grave de Hessen Cassel, avec ses païs, villes et estats, le Comte d'Oostfrise, la ville d'Emden, le Comté et Païs d'Oostfrise, les Villes Anseatiques, et particulierement Lubec, Bremen, Hamborgh; et reservent les dits Seigneurs Estats de nommer dans le susdit terme tels autres qu'ilz trouveront convenir.
77.Sera le present traicté ratifié et approuvé par les dits Seigneurs Roy et Estats, et les lettres de ratification seront delivrées de l'un à l'autre, en bonne et deüe forme, dans le terme de deux mois; et si ladite ratification arrive auparavant, cesseront dèsiors touts actes d'hostilité entre les parties, sans attendre l'expiration dudit terme. Bien entendu, qu'apres la conclusion et signature du present traicté l'hostilité des deux costéz ne cessera, gu'au preallable la ratification dudit Seigneur Roy d'Espagne ne soit delivrée en deüe substance et forme, et changée contre celle desdits Seigneurs Estats des Provinces Unies.
78.Si bien que cependant les affaires des deux costez demeureront en mesme estat et constitution, que lors de la conclusion du present traicté ils seront trouvéz; et ce jusques à tant que la susdite ratification reciproque sera changéc et delivrée.
79.Sera ledit traicté publié par tout ou il appartiendra, incontinent apres que les ratifications de part et d'autre, seront changées et delivrées, et cesseront dès alors touts actes d'hostilité.
[Here follow the powers of the Spanish and of the Dutch plenipotentiaries.]
En foy de tout ce que dessus nous ambassadeurs extraordinaires et pleni potenciaires des dits Seigneur Roy des Espagnes et Estats Generaux des Provinces Unies, en vertu de noz pouvoirs respectifs, avons signé le present traicté et cachette du cachet de nos armes. Faict à Munster en Westphale, le trentiesme Janvier mil six cent quarante huict.
(L. S.) El Conde de Peñaranda.
(L. S.) A. Brun.
(L. S.) Bartolt de Gent.
(L. S.) Johan van Matenes.
(L. S.) Adriaen Pauw.
(L. S.) I. de Knuÿt.
(L. S.) G. Van Reede.
(L. S.) F. V. Donia.
(L. S.) Wilhelm Ripperda.
(L. S.) Adr. Clant.
Lequel traitté, cy escrit et inseré, comme dessus, nous ayant esté representé par nosdits ambassadeurs extraordinaires et plenipotenciaires, apres l'avoir tout veu et meurement examiné de mot á mot en nostre conseil, nous, pour nous, nos hoirs, et successeurs, comme aussy pour les vassaux, subjects, et habitants de tous nos royaumes, pais, et seigneuries, tant dedans que hors l'Europe, sans aucun excepter, iceluy traitté, et tout le contenu d'iceluy, et chacun point en particulier, en tous ses menibres, avons receu, pour bon, ferme, et vallable, l'avons agrée, approuvé, et ratifié, le recevons, aggréons, appreuvons, et ratifions par cette presente; promettants en foy et parolle de Roy et Prince, pour nous, nos successeurs, roys, princes, et heritiers, sincere ment et en bonne foy, de l'ensuivre, observer, et accomplir, inviolablement et punctuellement, selon la forme et teneur, le faire ensuivre, observer, et accomplir tout ainsy comme si nous l'avions traitté en nostre propre personne, sans rien faire ny laisser faire en aucune maniere ny souffrir d'estre fait au contraire, directement ny indirectement, en quelque façon que ce puisse estre; et si contravention estoit faite, ou vinst á se faire en aucune maniere, la faire reparer sans aucune difficulté, ny remise, punir, et faire punir les contraven teurs en toute vigueur, sans graçe ny pardon, obligeants á l'effect que dessus touts et chacun de nos royaumes, païs, et seigneuries, comme aussy touts nos autres biens, presents et à venir, aussy nos heritiers et successeurs, ensemble ment tous nos vassaux, subjects, et habitants de tous nos royaumes, païs, et seigneuries, en quelque lieu, que tant dedans que hors l'Europe ils se puissent treuver sans rien excepter, et pour la validité de cette obligation, nous renonçons à toutes loix, coustumes, et toutes autres choses à ce contraires; en foy de çe que dessus, nous avons fait depescher la presente, signée de nostre main, seellée de nostre seel secret, et contresignée de nostre secretaire d'estat. Fait à Madrid le premier de mars, del'an mil six cent quarante huict.
Par ordonnance de Sa Ma[jes]té.
GER[ONY]MO DELA TORRE.
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